Recent Podcast Episodes

Mises defends his use of the word: true liberalism is defined by private ownership of the means of production, and he explains why he keeps the name despite its distorted modern usage.

Mises's guided reading list of the essential works of liberal thought, from Hume, Smith, and Bentham onward, for readers who want to study the tradition in depth.

Mises argues that modern civilization rests on liberalism and capitalism, and can be destroyed only from within—by the spread of antiliberal ideas, not by any outside enemy.

Why liberalism differs from interest-based parties, the crisis of parliamentary government, and the misleading charge that liberalism is merely the “party of capital.”

Liberalism applied to world affairs: national self-determination, free trade and freedom of movement as the foundations of peace, and critiques of nationalism, imperialism, and colonialism.

The economic case for private property and the free market, including the impracticability of socialism, the failures of interventionism, and the problems of cartels, monopoly, and bureaucracy.

Mises defines liberalism as a program for material welfare grounded in reason, ties it to capitalism, and examines the psychological roots of antiliberal resentment.

The first principles of liberal politics—private property, freedom, peace, and equality before the law—with a critique of the doctrine of force, fascism, and the proper limits of government.

Ludwig von Mises’s preface to the English edition: what classical liberalism is, why its program rests on private property, and how “liberal” came to mean nearly its opposite in America.

Tom Woods frames Ludwig von Mises's book around a single question—when the state may legitimately initiate force—and the classical liberal’s insistence on a very high threshold for it.

Aristotle called interest unnatural. Aquinas called it unjust. For centuries, the Church banned it. Guido Hülsmann argues they were wrong about the free market—but accidentally right about the fiat system.

Contrary to a common—and incorrect—critique of Rothbard, he was not a fanciful purist who refused to support any political movement that failed to be perfectly libertarian in every way. 

In the wake of Alan Greenspan's recent passing, Bob revisits two contested claims about his legacy: did the Fed under Greenspan fuel the housing bubble, and did that bubble cause the 2008 financial crisis? 

Dr. Mark Thornton, Senior Fellow at the Mises Institute, explains why soaring stock markets, persistent inflation, and a widening wealth gap point to growing risks beneath the surface. He discusses the AI investment boom, rising interest rates, the future of gold and silver, the Federal Reserve, and why he believes the current monetary system is reaching its limits.

Most readers are familiar with the 1964 Civil Rights Act. They are less familiar with the 1957 Civil Rights Act.

Some people seem to think the Constitution of 1787 is pretty much the same thing as the Declaration of Independence. They're wrong.

In celebrating the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, we remember names like Jefferson and Washington. Unfortunately, the man probably most responsible for push this nation to independence, Thomas Paine, is mostly forgotten.

The government paid Southern farmers to plant kudzu—millions of acres of it—to fix a Dust Bowl the government's own policies helped create.

The US “celebrates” its 250th birthday today, but not everyone is celebrating. We bring back a classic from 10 years ago that is even more relevant today.

In the deepest sense, the American Revolution was a conscious majority revolution on behalf of libertarianism and against power.