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War and Foreign Policy
Although social media says otherwise, neutrality in the Ukraine-Russia conflict is a good thing.
The Police StateWar and Foreign Policy
By declaring information in the public domain to be a "state secret," the US Supreme Court has proven that logic is no object when one twists the law like a pretzel.
From the Volga Germans to the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire to the Spaniards and the Mennonites, choosing emigration as a means of avoiding military conscription has a long history.
Washington now claims to reject the idea of "spheres of influence" and pretends its own sphere of influence doesn't exist while demanding all nations fall within a US-dominated global order.
By 1996, it was agreed that “Washington refused to rule out any country,” for NATO membership. Except, of course, Russia. Moreover, a NATO that included Poland was unlikely to invite Russia.
When the Bush administration announced in 2008 that Ukraine and Georgia would be eligible for NATO membership, I knew it was a terrible idea.
It's unlikely that Putin had no idea of the immense costs that he and Russia as a whole would incur in undertaking this war, so he likely believed the alternative would have been even more costly.
A key problem with collective security is the fact that when gangs of states wade into a conflict, they inexorably widen it.
The Ukrainian regime thinks it knows better than husbands and fathers when it comes to caring for their families. But no bureaucrat ought to be allowed to make such a decision.
Sticking to Cold War–era assumptions is a recipe for a suboptimal foreign policy, which could increase the probability of the US stumbling into a disastrous war of choice.