Mises Wire

Left-leaning economists and journalists apparently still harbor nostalgia for the central planning and protectionism of the "good ol' days" of the Second World War.

China's industrial policy has been marked by many failures and few successes. Rather, China's real growth has been fueled by the regime's limited turn to markets. 

In a normal universe, we have a name for this sort of monetary policy: it’s called “extreme dovishness” or “extremely accommodative.” In the bizarro world of 2021, it is anti-inflationary.

Our aim ought not to be to make democracy “work better” but to use revelations of corruption as a tool to question altogether its value as a political and social system of organization.

Vaccine mandates are much easier to enforce thanks to the spread of government spending, government contracting, and monopolized government services.

The new proposal is framed as a tax on the ultrarich. The same was true of the new income tax in 1913. If given the power to tax unrealized gains, expect the feds to expand the tax to ordinary people.

When it comes to both monetary and fiscal policy, sloppy definitions of inflation drive sloppy policymaking.

Francis should note that the move toward freer markets, in India and China especially, resulted in the huge reduction in extreme poverty we have witnessed over the last few decades.

China’s real estate problems are three: the massive size of the sector, its excessive leverage, and the amount of developer debt in the hands of average households and retail investors.

The cozy relationship between multinational corporations and governments has aroused the scorn of a few left-leaning critics. They note that the governance model of the World Economic Forum represents at least the partial privatization of the UN’s Agenda 2030, with the WEF bringing corporate partners and money to the table.