Mises Wire

The Deserving End to the Post-War Order

Great power politics

After the tongue lashing President Zelenskyy received in the Oval Office by President Trump and JD Vance, European and American establishment leaders were infuriated to say the least. But the most surprising thing that came out of the meeting was the reaction of European leaders; they have decided to take action without the approval of the American president. Prime Minister Keir Starmer—following the Oval Office meeting—signed a £1.6 billion missile deal with Ukraine and even threatened to send British troops into Ukraine. The Polish Prime Minister, Donald Tusk—in response to the meeting—has pledged to make every man in Poland undergo military training in an “event of war.” Even in Germany, the newly-elected Chancellor, Fredrich Merz, had pledged to “gain independence from America,” saying:

The Trump administration looks to overturn about 80 years of policy and raises the prospect of abandoning security guarantees for Europe. My absolute priority will be to strengthen Europe as quickly as possible so that, step by step, we can really achieve independence from the USA.

It’s here we find the reasons for the fanatical support by the Europeans for the Ukrainians; it’s not about the independence of Ukraine itself but the continuation of the 80-year-old globalist system that was set up after World War Two. Europeans who shout slogans of “human rights” and “democracy” for Ukraine do so because this is the dogma of a modern faith in an irreligious era that all Westerners have been catechized in since World War Two. Just as Saint Boniface had chopped down the pagan oak tree in order to convert them, so did the United States chop down the independence and national identities of Europe to bring it into order with the new Pax Americana. The guilt of the liberals following the end of World War Two has haunted Europe and affected the way in which old colonial empires conducted their withdrawal from the world stage; it’s in this guilt and resulting penance our modern world received its shape.

The Guilt of the Liberal

In 1948, the United Nations presented the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the General Assembly in Paris; its preamble had stated that since the “disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind,” a series of “human rights” needed to be invented and enforced. Among the thirty articles put forth, some of them seem to have been a forced pacification on Europe by the United States, including the right to a nationality, the right to change one’s nationality, the right to freedom of movement, the right to vote, and all these entitlements without any distinction in regards to race, color, sex, national origin, or status. It is here the post-war dismantling of western European power had begun. The process was described by Major-General Richard Hilton—the British military attache to Moscow—in his book Imperial Obituary. He states:

Majority rule has been elevated by left-wing propaganda to the status of sacred religious fetish, to which even such eminent Christian divines as the arch-bishop of Canterbury bow down. If these ardent worshipers of majority rule were asked whether it should apply to a kindergarten school, where the teachers are outnumbered by the pupil, they would presumably say no. Yet the same left-wingers are at this moment trying to coerce the white minority of Rhodesia to hand over control of that highly developed country to people whose intellectual equals have been shown what a mess they can speedily make of the Congo.

Liberals in the different European parliaments were quick to attack their countries’ imperial past and quicker still to pursue policies of autonomy for their colonies. Of course, when colonies like Rhodesia had declared independence from Britain in 1965, Britain, America, and the USSR had all pressed sanctions against the country, which further helped African insurrectionists until its collapse in 1979. Robert Mugabe would become prime minister and later president of the newly-created Zimbabwe and rule until 2017. In his time, the currency was devalued until the year-on-year inflation rate reached an unbelievable 89.7 sextillion percent. A Guardian article noted how his land reforms saw the white farmers forcibly removed off their land until in 2007 Mugabe was “poised to allow hundreds of white farmers to return to their land as the country faces starvation and economic collapse.”

When the liberal crusade entered into the 21st century, the upholders of Friedirch Merz’s eighty years of policy found themselves toppling regimes throughout the Third World. In the name of democracy, American and British forces would invade Iraq in 2003 and kill half a million Iraqis by 2006. After President Obama had supported a coup d’état in Libya in 2011, the return of open chattel slavery markets in that country returned, where migrants are “bought and sold in garages and car parks in the Libyan city of Sabha.” The EU and other European parliaments, meanwhile, were too busy condemning the “racism” of certain delegates who were against the uncontrolled immigration of migrants pouring in from the Mediterranean.

The Return of Power Politics

When Russia first invaded Ukraine, this joint American-European post-war order used the same playbook it has for decades. Putin is Hitler, Ukraine is a helpless democracy, and we have a responsibility to “human rights” to intervene. But the rejection of President Zelenskyy in the oval office by an American president had shown the return of power politics; it was a return to an honest foreign policy, not covered in the smoke and mirrors of democratic idealisms. Great powers like the United States and Russia will always pursue a foreign policy that serves their own interests. Professor John Mearsheimer had spoken about this in his book The Great Delusion by saying:

Liberal great powers regularly dress up their hard-nosed behavior with liberal rhetoric. They talk like liberals and act like realists. Should they adopt liberal policies that are at odds with realist logic, they invariably come to regret it.

It would seem that the American economy has finally reached a point where the only option is austerity; it would be hard to explain otherwise why some of the most expensive and corrupt departments, such as USAID—an arm of foreign policy—can be abolished without a fight. Ukraine is merely a part of a wider reduction of American power in the world. America has nothing to gain from the war; the NordStream Pipeline has been destroyed, making Europe more reliant on American gas, but nothing more has been gained. As for Russia, NATO and the EU have been encroaching on its borders since the end of the Cold War; Poland had American ballistic missiles placed within its borders in 2008; in 2014, America had overthrown Ukrainian president Yanukovych; and, more recently, massive pro-EU protests have occurred in Russian-friendly nations such as Georgia and Hungary. Russia has been surrounded by America and its European vassal states; in realist terms, why wouldn’t they invade?

As for Europe, the anti-European sentiment from the Trump administration is forcing Europe to be free. Since the end of the Second World War, Europe has been a continent without a foreign policy; it was forced to sleep under the blanket of American security and, in return, America had free use of the continent militarily, economically, and culturally. But with America backing out of its presumed responsibilities of upholding the post-war order, a reactionary attitude occurred among liberally-catechized European leaders. Because of this, the current remilitarization of Europe is merely Europe attempting to continue the American world order without America. Modern Europe is a product of the American empire and post-war liberalism that was forced on them. With the current austerity and deteriorating image of America, Europe has no choice but to take a bigger role than it has in the past eighty years and once again play in great power politics.

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