Liberty or Equality

NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE

One of the first books on this subject is La physique de l’histoire ou Considération sur les principes élémentaires du tempérament et du caractère des peuples (The Hague, 1765). Yet it seems that the unknown author of this work considers the climatic factor to be of greater importance than the religious one. We have written on the influence of the purely geographic factor on the psychology of nations elsewhere. Cf. E. v. Kuehnelt-Leddihn, “Plainsman and Mountaineer,” Thought, XXI, 18 (March, 1946). Of course, often it becomes difficult to make a specific factor responsible for a specific national trait. Yet living for some time in a Catholic, Austrian, German-speaking community on the Swiss border in the close proximity of Protestant Latins we had ample opportunity to learn to differentiate between ethnic and religious characteristics; most so-called “Latin” traits were found among the Austrian Catholic Teutons, most “Germanic” characteristics among the Protestant Rhæto-Romans. Cf. E. v. Kuehnelt-Leddihn, “Where Three Countries Meet,” The American Geographic Review, XXXV, 2 (April, 1945), pp. 250–51.

A volume important for its freshness of approach and its intellectual courage—though from a scholarly point of view not quite satisfactory—is Frédéric Hoffet’s L’impérialisme Protestant; considérations sur le destin inégal des peuples protestants et catholiques dans le monde actuel (Paris: Flammarion, 1948). Here we have, for the first time, a concerted effort to compare methodically the characters of the Catholic and Protestant nations and regional groups. Unfortunately this work is full of factual errors, and it must be regretted that it is also marred by constant evidence of anti-Catholic bias. The circumstance that this French Protestant author speaks with great pride of the Protestant paternity of the modern world is rather surprising to a reader living in this century of blood, tears and self-destruction on a colossal scale. But, though one has to take exception to M. Hoffet’s explanation of the latent anarchism of Catholic nations, his main thesis is well-nigh unassailable.

Obviously the Catholic way of life, discounting the Protestant tenet “Cleanliness is next to godliness,” would be less given to hygiene and/or cleanliness plus plumbing. Even in Switzerland the dividing line between the cleaner Protestants and the dirtier Catholics will strike the foreign observer. Cf. J. Christopher Herold, The Swiss Without a Halo (New York: Columbia University Press, 1948), p. 130. Very much to the point is also Ernst Wiechert’s description of the way the Lutheran Masurian Poles view the poor and sloppy Catholic Poles from across the border. Cf. E. Wiechert, Die Jerominskinder (Linz: Brückenverlag, 1948), II, 122–23.

Yet all this should not lead one to the belief that Catholicism looks at the human body in Manichæan terms. For a symposium on the Catholic attitude towards the body cf. Vom Wert des Leibes in Antike, Christentum und Anthropologie der Gegenwart, with contributions from J. Bernhart, J. Schröteler, J. Ternus, H. Muckermann and others (Salzburg: Anton Pustet, 1936).

The Irish cultural situation is sui generis. Apart from the stronger medieval undertones owing to the absence of the Renaissance and Baroque stages of evolution which formed the Catholic nations of the Continent (see p. 182), there is also the dual rôle of the Irish clergy as First and Second Estate. This is the natural result of the “decapitation” of Irish society by the English conquerors. (This particular trait, though, is closely duplicated in French Canada whose upper layers returned to France after 1763.)

The totalitarian aspects of Calvin’s state are brilliantly described in Kampschulte, op. cit., I, 444 sq. The rigorism of Geneva is also well attested by Calvin’s successor Théodore de Bèze, who accused the Papists of having an inefficient Inquisition, and a poorly functioning control of public morality (ibid., II, 361).

An excellent condemnation of egalitarianism from a philosophical point of view is Gabriel Marcel’s “Considérations sur l’égalité,” in Études carmélitaines, XXIV, Vol. II, pp. 161–71. Gabriel Marcel’s Catholic and existentialist views are well corroborated by the non-Catholic Richard M. Weaver, in his brilliant little book Ideas Have Consequences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), especially pp. 40–48.

Yet the contrary and more contemporary Catholic concept we find represented by Metternich, who believed that the people was “good, but childish” (Aus Metternichs nachgelassenen Papieren, III, 338, 452).

A little learning is a dangerous thing.
Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring:
There shallow draughts intoxicate the brain,
And drinking largely sobers up again.

—Then, said Cranly, you do not intend to become a protestant?

—I said that I had lost the faith, Stephen answered, but not that I had lost self-respect. What kind of liberation would that be to forsake an absurdity which is logical and coherent and to embrace a faith which is illogical and incoherent?

Muera quien quiere
Moderación
Y viva siempre
Y siempre viva
Y viva siempre
La exaltatión

—“Death to whoever wants moderation, and long live, long live, long live extremism.”—In Melchor de Almagro San Martín’s foreword to Mariano José de Larra [“Figaro”], Artículos completos (Madrid: Aguilar, 1944), p. xxv. To Alexander Herzen,Protestantism was the personification of the “golden middle way”; see p. 73.

Donoso Cortés pointed out quite rightly that Catholic libertarianism rested on the twin pillars of the supremacy of conscience and the Freedom of the Will. Cf. his allusions in his article entitled “Las Reformas de Pio IX,” originally published in El Faro, Nov. 17, 1847, reprinted in Obras Completas de Donoso Cortés, ed. Dr. Don Juan Juretschke (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos 1946), pp. 86–87.

As much as the Dutch Catholic may seem a “disciplinarian” to the Central or South-European Catholic, he still seems to be an anarchist to his Protestant countryman. Cf. P. J. Meertens, “Le caractère néerlandais,” Revue de Psychologie des Peuples [Le Havre], V, 1 (Spring 1950), p. 45. Typical is also the personal reaction of Chateaubriand towards France after his return from Protestant England. (Cf. Chateaubriand, Mémoires d’Outre-Tombe, II, i, 13.) For a cultural comparison between the Greek-Oriental (Pravoslav) and the Protestant outlook turn to Saltykov-Shtshedrin’s short story “Mal’chik v shtanakh i mal’chik byez shtanov,” in N. v. Bubnoff, Russisches Lesebuch (Heidelberg: Julius Groos, 1922), p. 167 sq.

George Ticknor (op. cit., I, 185–204) not only felt the freedom nowhere so strongly as in Spain, but also remarked enthusiastically on the complete indifference of Spaniards towards royal or any other governmental laws, by-laws and orders (p. 192). The Holy Inquisition, which still functioned at that time (1816) was a target of jokes (p. 193). The same spirit seems to have prevailed even during the latest civil war. If we can believe the Communist author, Jesús Hernández, the Anarchist jails must have been the most delightful resorts; on the Aragón front the men of the F.A.I, played highly traitorous football games with the “fascists” of the opposite trenches. Such laxity, according to Comrade Hernández, caused the downfall of Spanish “democracy.”—Cf. Jesús Hernández, Negro y rojo: los anarquistas en la revolucoón española contemporanea (Mexico City, 1946), pp. 273–78.

On Russian anarchism cf. Jules Legras, L’âme russe (Paris, 1934), p. 264.

Naturally, the greater progress of technology and industry in Protestant countries has been a prime factor in accentuating the uniformity and conformism of Protestant nations. This process is of long standing. Thus we know that all the factories of the large Austrian monarchy taken together had in the early 18th century a smaller output than those of the Dutch city of Leyden. Cf. Ernst Michel, Sozialgeschichte der industriellen Arbeiterwelt (Frankfurt am Main: Josef Knecht, 1947), p. 33. Yet uniformity and conformity always imply obedience—so also in the matter of traffic regulations. In the Eternal City there are (as of 1948) only three traffic lights and about two traffic policemen. Driving in Rome is therefore a nerve-racking experience. Again, when the city of Buenos Aires (three million inhabitants) tried to put in a few traffic lights, the irate public immediately tore them down. Cf. Philip Hamburger, “Winds from the Pampas,” The New Yorker, December 4, 1948, p. 57.

The repressive laws of modern Sweden against Catholics can be found in a summing up in Time, LIV, No. i (July 4, 1949). Some of them are being changed now.

On the tolerance of non-Catholics by Catholic governments cf. also Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, “Katholische Toleranz?” Wort und Wahrheit, IV, No. 5 (May, 1949), 342–53 and the approving review of this article by J. Courtney Murray, S.J., in his paper “On Religious Freedom,” Theological Studies, X, No. 3 (September, 1949), 413–16.

Additional material on the question of the salvation of non-Catholics and non-Christians can be found in Louis Capéran, Le problème du salut des in-fidèles (Paris: Beauchesne, 1912; Toulouse: Grand Séminaire, 1934), and P. Elysée de la Nativité, “L’expérience d’Ibn Arabî est-elle surnaturelle?” Études carmélitaines, XVI, Vol. II (October, 1931), pp. 163–64.

The change from the intransigeance of the latter half of the Middle Ages and the earlier days of the Reformation to the more modern (and simultaneously more ancient) concepts can well be shown not only from the attitude of the recently converted Queen Christina of Sweden, but also from the address of Abbé Colbert to Louis XIV after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes—an address written by Racine himself. Cf. Lettres choisies de Christine, reine de Suède, ed. M.L. (Villefranche: Hardi, Filocrate, 1760), II, 113–38; J. Racine, CF.uvres complètes (Paris: Garnier Frères, n.d.), p. 457. The excommunication of the supporters of the suspended Father Leonard Feeney of Cambridge, Mass., in the spring of 1949, drew general attention in the United States. The heresy this circle was accused of was precisely the teaching that the non-Catholic cannot be saved. This thesis has been expounded by Raymond Karam in an article entitled “Reply to a Liberal,” From the Housetops, III, No. 3 (Spring, 1949). The excommunication, practically expressed in the refusal to administer the Sacraments, was rigorously enforced. See the news item “Couple in Boston Heresy Case Say Church Refuses to Wed Them,” The New York Herald Tribune, June 1, 1949.

Yet there are differences between the various Protestant groups, differences not only of a “denominational,” but also of a geographic nature. George Morrell is of the opinion that Continental Protestant theologians produce original and extremist views which are, later on, moderated, weakened and reduced by British and American theologians: cf. his paper in Christianity and the Contemporary Scene, ed. Miller and Shires (New York: Morehouse Goreham, 1943), p. 17. After all, even Prussia, Holstein and Hamburg belonged to the Holy Roman Empire until 1806. Protestantism in its purest and clearest modern form can, probably, be found only in Anglo-Saxonry. A public Corpus Christi procession can well be imagined in Berlin, with its 10 per cent, of Catholics, but not in Boston (at least not on anything like the same scale), with its 75 per cent. The Catholic roots of Protestantism have in Europe a historical and architectural “visibility” which they lack in the United States. Page 359 of the Somervell condensation of A. J. Toynbee’s Study of History could hardly have been written by an American non-Catholic.

Hoffet is convinced that the Germans will never qualify for a democratic régime (op. cit., pp. 169–70). Yet, French democrat though he is, he has no illusions about the future of French democracy either. The Fourth Republic, to him, is merely a constitutional interlude (op. cit., pp. 202–4).

To what extent Catholic individualism (“personalism”) can go can be seen from the stand taken by Franciscus de Vitoria, who insisted that a single person could wage a war (against a whole state, if necessary). Cf. F. de Vitoria, “On the Indians and the Laws of War Made by the Spaniards on the Barbarians,” ed. J. Scott Brown, The Classics of International Law, ed. Ernest Nys (Washington, n.d.), p. 167.

[Grey] “Suppose you have to intervene, what then?”

[Page] “Make ’em vote and live by their decisions.”

[Grey] “But suppose they will not so live?”

[Page] “We’ll go in again and make ‘em vote again.”

[Grey] “And keep this up two hundred years?” asked he.

[Page] “Yes,” said I. “The United States will be here two hundred years, and it can continue to shoot men for that little space till they learn to vote and to rule themselves.”

—See Burton J. Hendrick, The Life and Letters of Walter H. Page (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Page and Co., 1925), I, 188.

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX

Yet the present author would like to make it known that he does not share the Denifle-Hartmann thesis on Luther, but believes that the Reformer had—as a French Jesuit admitted—une experience religieuse authentique. Luther was not, as so many of our fellow-Catholics rashly assume, simply a malicious neurotic. For a balanced and more constructive Catholic analysis of Luther cf. Johannes Hessen, Luther in katholischer Sicht (Bonn, 1947); also Yves Congar, O.P., “Luther vu par les Catholiques” in Vers l’Unite Chrétienne, No. 21 (March, 1950), pp. 3–6.

The Protestant character of National Socialism has also been freely acknowledged by Pastor Georg Casalis in his article “L’Église évangélique en Allemagne,” Temps Modernes, V, Nos. 46–47 (Aug.-Sept., 1949), p. 389: “In spite of Hitler’s, and above all, of Goebbels’ Catholic background, the movement was Protestant in character.”

For a good description of the puritanical spirit in Protestantism see Edmund Gosse, Father and Son (London: Heinemann, 1949 [Penguin Books, No. 700]) Especially p. 227.

The conscious-subconscious identifications of race and religion are not rare, and we find them not only in Germany, but also in the United States and in Britain. Cf. the brilliant passage in R. W. Chambers, Thomas More (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1936), p. 389.

On the problem of a “religious culture” viewed from a Protestant angle cf. Paul Tillich, The Protestant Era, trans, J. L. Adams (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1948), pp. 5 sq., 295, 298.

827a Cf. Max Scheler, Vom Ewigen im Menschen (Leipzig: Der Neue Geist), I. “Religiöse Erneuerung,” p. 130.

NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN

These considerations have to be understood in the light of Göring’s remark: “Hitler is the German people and the German people is Hitler” (Karl Otten, Combine of Aggression, p. 313).

The non-monarchical nationalist Führer of Germany was foreseen by the prophetic Louis Veuillot who wrote in his “Parfum de Rome” [Oeuvres complètes (Paris: Lethielleux, 1926), IX, 357]: “Allemagne! Allemagne! a qui le ciel avait tout donné! Quand tu verras reparaître un fantôme d’empereur qui ne sera ni l’élu de tes princes, ni l’oint du Christ, et qui ne tiendra pas la glaive pour prptéger la justice et défendre le vieux droit, mais qui se dira l’empereur du peuple et la glaive du droit nouveau, alors ce sera l’heure de la grande expiation.”

The demo-nazi spirit of our friend, the “anti-feudal” Common Man, is also adroitly expressed in the pamphlet of Dr. Friedrich Schönemann, “Amerika und der Nationalsozialismus,” Schriften der deutschen Hochschule für Politik (Berlin: Junker und Dünnhaupt, 1934), No. 4. It is not surprising that this Nazi author sings hymns of praise for Jefferson and damns Alexander Hamilton (pp. 28–29). And, in relation to German National Socialism, he says proudly (p. 31): “There is no better and more beautiful word than the expression Democracy for our new government of the people, for this whole system of a popular community.”

Die Fahnen hoch! Die Trommeln laut gerührt!	Banners high! Beat the drums loudly
Es ist sein Geist, der in die Schlacht euch führt!	It is his spirit which leads you in battle!
Brav, kühne Jugend, brav! Nur dran und drauf,	Be brave, bold youth, be brave! Only go forward!
Nichts hemmt ein mutig Herz im Siegeslauf!	Nothing restrains a courageous heart in its victorious march!
The Horst Wessel Lied:
Die Fahne hoch! Die Reihen dicht geschlossen	Banners high! Ranks closed,
S. A. marschiert mit ruhig festem Schritt,	The Storm Troopers march with firm, calm stride,
Kam’raden, die Rotfront und Reaktion erschossen,	Comrades, whom the Red Front and reaction has shot
Marschiern im Geist in unsern Reihen mit.	March along in spirit in our ranks.

More about the influence of Hussitism on Germans, and especially on modern German literature, can be gleaned from Professor Arnošt Kraus’ “Husitství v německé literature devatnáctého století,” Nákladem ceské akademie věd a uměni, Cast 3 (1929). According to Professor Kraus (p. 296) the quoted poem was written in 1853, but first published in 1871. There were other German authors who dealt with Czech or Hussite themes, such as K. E. Ebert (Vlasta and Brestislaw), Moritz Hartmann (Kelch und Schwert), and the demo-nationalist Alfred Meissner, who wrote a volume of poems around Žižka. Meissner, besides Freiligrath, was the most important poet of the ’48 movement. About him cf. Dr. J. F. Ježek, Bratři a demokraté: několik studii o německé literature s hlediska humanity a demokracie (Prague: Nákladem Vlastním, 1923), p. 109 f.

Interesting is also Giuseppe Gangale’s Rivoluzione protestante (Turin, 1925), in which the idea was expressed that Fascism could harmonize only with Protestantism.

It is interesting to note that the present communist Czech régime is making frantic efforts to revive and emphasize the cult of Hus and the Taborites. This cult is no less anti-Western than it is anti-Catholic. The very organizers of this government-ordered and government-inspired worship of the Taborites are the Czech National Socialists rather than the Communists. Cf. C. M. Hora, “Mittelalter geistert an der Moldau: in den Spuren von Johannes Hus,” Die österreichische Furche, V, No. 36 (Sept. 3, 1949), pp. 1–2.

Professor Kvačala of Pressburg, on the other hand, was very critical of Pekař, as can be seen from his paper in Jahrbücher für Kultur und Geschichte der Slawen (Breslau: Osteuropa Institut, 1932), VIII, Heft 2, p. 134. The French authors Prof. Ernest Denis, in Hus et la guerre des Hussites (Paris: E. Leroux, 1878) and Louis Leger, in Nouvelles etudes des Slaves (Paris: E. Leroux, 1886) both believe in the liberal-democratic theory of Palacky. Thomas G. Masaryk himself was a thorough supporter of the aforementioned thesis, as testified by his Jan Hus: na’se obrozeni a nase reformdce (Prague, 1925), especially pp. 154–55 Dr. Hugo Hassinger in Die Tschechoslovakei (Vienna: Rikola-Verlag, 1926), p. 233, represents the same point of view. Certain details enumerated by Leger (pp. 179–81), such as the “invocation of the ancient Czechs,” the egalitarianism within the army, and Žižka’s eulogy of the Czech language, remind one of the proclivities of the Germanic epigones of Hussitism. An extreme leftist view of Hussitism and Taboritism was taken by the Marxist Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe at the Time of the Reformation, trans. J. L. and E. G. Mullike (London: Fisher and Unwin, 1897). The thesis of Pekař, on the other hand, finds support in Dr. Friedrich von Bezold’s Zur Geschichte des Husitenthums; eine culturhistorische Studie (Munich: Ackermann, 1874), pp. 70–96.

On Jahn’s influence on Bismarck see Bismarck, Gedanken und Erinnerungen (1898), I, 1; also Carl Euler, Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (Berlin, 1881), and Dr. Michael Antonowytsch, “Friedrich Ludwig Jahn; ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Anfänge des deutschen Nationalismus,” Historische Studien, Vol. CCXXX.

Tyrš was fully conscious of his debt to Jahn; cf. Jules Chopin, “Un philosophe de l’énergie nationale: Miroslav Tyrš,” La Revue hebdomadaire, June 25, 1932, p. 453.

As to the close alliance between early Czech anti-Germanism and anti-Judaism see Herman Münch, “Panslawismus und Alldeutschtum,” Neues Abendland [Augsburg], V. 7 (July, 1950), pp. 272–76. The riots of the Czech mob in Prague on December 1, 1897 were conducted amidsts the shouts: “Down with the Germans! Down with the Jews!”.

About the real position of the Jews in the Middle Ages in the German-speaking countries see Guido Kisch’s monumental work, The Jews in Mediœval Germany (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1949.) See also Note 810.

Valuable insights into the ideological aspects of the German national movement in Austria can be gained from Karl Braunias’ paper “Österreich als Völkerreich,” in Josef Nadler and Heinrich von Srbik, Österreich: Erbe und Sendung im deutschen Raum (Salzburg: Anton Pustet, 1936), pp. 250–55. Especially important are his descriptions of the ideological bridges between German nationalism on one hand and democracy and socialism on the other. For the pre-Nazi aspects of German socialism (“Social Democracy”), cf. Wilhelm Röpke, Civitas Humana, p. 268, and Die deutsche Frage, p. 203. The very slogan Blut und Boden (blood and soil) stems from the socialist author August Winnig. Cf. his Das Reich als Republik 1918–1928 (Stuttgart & Berlin: Cotta, 1928), p. 3.

On the socialistic tendencies of the earlier nationalist movements in Austria (1860–1880) cf. also Dr. Paul Molisch, Die deutschen Hochschulen in Österreich und die politisch-nationale Entwicklung nach dem Jahre 1848 (Munich: Drei Masken Verlag, 1922), pp. 143–44. Nationalism—anti-Semitism—democracy—socialism, truly formed a closed circle.

The term “freiheitlich” comes near to “liberal” and when we take the exact character of Central-European “liberalism” into consideration then the murdered Dr. Gerlich’s article in Der Gerade Weg (1932), insisting that National Socialism is essentially decayed “liberalism,” tells us the truth. His statistics on the disappearance of “liberal” and democratic votes which have been switched to the Nazis, are most enlightening. Cf. Dr. Johann Steiner, Prophetien wider das Dritte Reich. Aus den Schriften des Dr. F. Gerlich und des Paters Ingbert Naab OFM (Munich: Schnell und Steiner, 1946), pp. 301–322.

Of course, Dr. Armin Mohler is also right when he says the ideology of National Socialism is sometimes so vague that it is difficult to draw its exact profile. Even “conservative-revolutionary” traits can be found in it. Cf. Die konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918–1932 (Stuttgart: Friedrich Vorwerk, 1950), p. 67.

Yet how incredibly simple-minded Franz von Papen really was (only the very naïve could see in him a Devil With Top Hat—the title under which a refugee author wrote about him) can be gleaned from his lengthy deposition to American military authorities and presented in the Guido Schmidt case: cf. Der Hoch Verratsprozess gegen Dr. Guido Schmidt (Vienna: österreichische Staatsdruckerei, 1947), Document PS 3300 (thirty-first day of the trial).

Soon after July 20, 1944, Dr. Ley made a speech against the “blue-blooded swine,” and the Gauleiter of Carinthia compared the aristocracy to “international Jewry.” Cf. Die Kärntner Zeitung, VII, No. 202 (July 24, 1944), pp. 1–2, and The San Francisco Chronicle, August 8, 1944, p. 7. This, incidentally, is a notion which was also entertained by European Jews. Cf., for instance, Walter Rathenau, Die neue Gesellschaft (Berlin: S. Fischer, 1919), p. 34.

Mussolini also suffered from a morbid hatred of the nobility: cf. “Le confessioni di Vittorio Mussolini,” Il Tempo, Rome, February 23, 1948. Hitler, on the other hand, hated the monarchy no less than the aristocracy. His trip to Rome in 1938 increased his anti-monarchic feelings. Cf. Der Hochverratsprozess gegen Dr. Guido Schmidt, p. 356. See p. 368.

Immediately after the Anschluss, Stadholder Bürckel announced in Vienna that he extended a friendly hand to everybody—including the Communists—but certainly not to the Legitimists. For the Nazis the real enemy stood on the “right.” Thus the experience of Nazi-Communist collaboration was not isolated, and many an inmate in these camps also felt acutely the identity of Nazi and Communist rule. Compare with Christopher Burney, The Dungeon Democracy (New York: Duell, Sloane and Pierce, 1946), p. 156.

This is nothing new when we remember “liberal”-absolutistic collaboration. Ernest Renan was, at times, almost fanatically pro-Prussian and Michelet celebrated the Austrian defeat at Königgrätz (Sadova). Cf. Jean-Marie Carré, Les écrivains français et le mirage allemand 1890–1940 (Paris: Bovin et Cie, 1947), p. 71 n. Compare also with Erik v. Kuehnelt-Leddihn, “Nationalsozialismus und Common Sense,” Schweizer Rundschau, L, 708 (Oct.-Nov., 1950), pp. 435–48.

As to the development of anti-Judaism in the U.S.S.R. in recent years cf. Peter Viereck, Conservatism Revisited, pp. 157–61, 174–80; S. N. Schwarz, “The New Anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union,” Commentary, VII, No. 6 (June, 1949), pp. 535–45, and The New York Times, Vol. XCIX, No. 33, 651 (March 13, 1950), p. 1.

NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES

Add to Note 79. The same sentiment was voiced by Gouverneur Morris, then American Ambassador to Paris, who wrote on June 23, 1789: “At dinner I sit next to M. de Lafayette, who tells me I injure the cause; for that my sentiments are continually quoted against the good party. I seize this opportunity to tell him that I am opposed to the democracy from regard to liberty.” Cf. Diaries and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, ed. Anne Cary Morris (New York: Scribner, 1888), I, 104.

Add to Note 488. On the relationship between Christian theism and the “father image” in medical psychology cf. the paper of Dr. Rhaban Liertz “L’image du père et son influence sur l’éducation religieuse,” Psyché, VI, 59 (September, 1951), pp. 583–88. (This paper was read at the Second International Catholic Congress of Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy.)

Add to Note 535. Devastating for the democratic and egalitarian assumptions were the results of a large-scale investigation of the intelligence of a quarter million German schoolchildren between the ages of 10 and 14. (Research Project of the Institut für empirische Soziologie in Hanover.) Cf. the article “Tradition ist wichtiger als Umwelt” in Salzburger Nachtrichten (VII, 185) August 11, 1951, p. 9, 1. 3.

Add to Note 553. On the American influence in France prior to the Revolution cf. also Comte de Saint Priest, Mémoires. Règnes de Louis XV et Louis XVI, ed. Baron de Barante (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1929), pp. 195–97.

Add to Note 725. Hannah Arendt in her thoughtful volume The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1951), pp. 258, 303, makes a good case for the notion that Italian Fascism (as “Fascism” in general) at its worst is “semi-totalitarian.” True totalitarianism she sees only in the Russian and German experiments.

Add to Note 823. A comparison between the German and the New World brands of anti-semitism can be found in the book of the Jewish convert Karl Stern, The Pillar of Fire (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1951), pp. 243–44.

Add to Note 866. A recent contribution to American nihilism and relativism in legal thinking can be found in Chief Justice Vinson’s opinion upholding the conviction of eleven Communist leaders. “Nothing is more certain in modern societies than the principle that there are no absolutes . . . we must reply that all concepts are relative.” (Cf. Felix Morley’s article in Barron’s magazine, June 18, 1951.)

Add to Note 949. To what extent Hitler and the whole Nazi machine pursued an anti-Habsburg and anti-monarchical policy in Central Europe (with the direct co-operation of Rome and Belgrade, and the more indirect support of Czechoslovakia) can be seen from Elizabeth Wiskemann’s The Rome-Berlin Axis (London: Oxford University Press, 1949), passim. “Democracy” and modern tyranny like to league together against all forms of “reaction.” Compare also with Dr. Henry Picker, “Hitlers Tischgespräche,” II. “Hitler und die Könige,” Quick (Munich, June 17, 1951), IV, 24, p. 787 sq. The Führer expressed his gratitude to the German Socialists for having destroyed the monarchical institutions in Germany.