The Postwar Renaissance II: Politics and Foreign Policy
Perhaps we would have a rational foreign policy — if Americans could be brought to realize that the first necessity is the renunciation of the lie as an instrument of foreign policy.
Perhaps we would have a rational foreign policy — if Americans could be brought to realize that the first necessity is the renunciation of the lie as an instrument of foreign policy.
Environmental policy has operated on the assumption — as so eloquently stated by Lew Rockwell — that "private ownership is the enemy."
To Garrett, there is no heroism in war but only in creativity and production, and no folly greater than overthrowing the institutions that make creativity and economic progress possible.
Government is not reason; it is not eloquence; it is force. Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master.
We suggest that by attempting to counter various shocks that are predominantly the product of Fed's own policies, Bernanke's Fed has likely made things much worse as far as real economic fundamentals are concerned.
Mises's own experiences underscore the need for politically independent institutions that guard and preserve the right to think creatively.
People like the smaller governments and open spaces that suburbia in the Southwest and West provide.
But if investment-conference attendance is any indication, the price of gold and other commodities has a long way to go — up.
On the surface, as the war came to an end, there seemed to be as little hope as ever for the individualist, free-market cause as there had been during the war.
Mises knew that Vienna was in even worse shape than after World War I, and this time lacked the leadership to prevent the rampant socialization of the entire country.