Thanks to the growth of the state over time, political stakes have become much higher, and groups fear that they will be crushed by the other side if they lose. Crisis-induced cohesion is not a silver bullet, but rather a ticking time bomb.
Thanks to the growth of the state over time, political stakes have become much higher, and groups fear that they will be crushed by the other side if they lose. Crisis-induced cohesion is not a silver bullet, but rather a ticking time bomb.
We need to move beyond the stale platitudes of trying to fix politics in DC. The chattering class’s lamentation about the divisiveness of politics is frankly silly. In some ways, polarization is our friend.
So far, when it comes to disarming the population, governments haven't been quite as terrible as one might have predicted during the COVID-19 panic.
The fact that people break curfew just proves that smaller, decentralized communities are better at organizing than a few top-down planners. Barbadian neighborhoods do a much better job of self-regulating.
Pete Quinones and Ryan McMaken discuss the government’s and public's responses to the coronavirus.
The lasting and far-reaching harms caused by this authoritarian precedent far outweigh those caused by the COVID-19 virus. The American people must decide for themselves how and when to reopen society and return to their daily lives.
So far, when it comes to disarming the population, governments haven't been quite as terrible as one might have predicted during the COVID-19 panic.
The nonaggression principle—"anything peaceful"—comes as close to a value-free analysis in a political, ethical, economic, and legal theory as conceivably possible. It was insufficient for Rothbard, because he rightly found it insufficient for liberty.
The quality of the models being used by politicians to set COVID-19 policy is only as good as the data collected. Unfortunately, the data is not very good. Meanwhile, real costs arise from the ruined economy.
