Like the children of Lake Wobegon, writes Robert Blumen, many investors in the 1990s believed that stock market returns would always be above average. They were proven wrong. But Greenspan and many others advance a slightly different justification for the bubble: the efficient markets hypothesis, which argues that the current price, whatever it is and even when pump up by credit expansion, is the best of all possible worlds.
The destruction of the gold dollar and the socialization of credit risk go together with the history of war. Warfare, whether victorious or not, retards the accumulation of productive and livable capital.
The period from the onset of World War I until the demise of the Soviet empire in 1991 has been called the "great parenthesis" in western history, writes JG Hülsmann. The United States offered virtually the only safe haven for capital investments. Among the beneficiaries of this somewhat artificial increase of the capital stock were the American wage earners. Now this epoch is drawing to an end--to the ultimate benefit of all.
A common view promoted by advocates of "free" or public education is that a private system would lead many children to forego an education. Literacy rates would decline, and America would slide down a slippery slope toward low economic growth and stagnation. Barry Simpson looks at the history and finds that the opposite is true.
Trade with China is beneficial to the U.S. economy, writes Grant Nülle, but grave danger lurks in the area of monetary policy. Beijing is furnishing cheap credit to finance Washington's fiscal deficit and consumer indebtedness in America, accentuating a misallocation of capital and investment priorities propagated by the Fed-backed fiat money. Meanwhile, China's four largest state-owned banks, which together claim 61% of the country's loans and 67% of its deposits, are saddled with mounting bad debts.
If the ruling elite has its way, writes Scott Trask, we are to be faced with at least half a century of intermittent war and a further augmentation of the national security state that has been draining our wealth like a voracious vampire since 1950. There is no secret as to how they will finance it—by borrowing and inflating. If the Democrats are the party of "tax and spend," the Republicans are the party of "borrow and spend."
These are fascinating times in Germany, writes Frank Vogelgesang. In the country which is one of the last survivors of the classic European welfare state and, arguably, the one with the most encompassing public redistribution machine in the name of "social justice," some legal reforms came in early December of last year. Some commentators call the changes revolutionary, while others say they are just smoke and mirrors. What gives?
If the benefiting consumers from an innovation are largely outside of a given country, writes Robert Murhpy, then it is indeed true that the people in that country might actually be poorer as a result of the innovation. But in that case, no trade policy can change things. On the other hand, if enough of the benefiting consumers are inside a particular country, then the people in that country are helped (on net) by the innovation.
Though politics may yet trump sound economics on this issue, writes Sean Corrigan, the Europeans know they are being blackmailed by the US into pursuing dangerously loose monetary policy (to add to the loose fiscal policies already being practiced by some of their governments). The biggest global spendthrift—usually the US—always expects his creditors to cut their own pockets so he can settle his bills with the coins falling out of them.
It is probably safe to assume that the so-called Third World has always been difficult for those in more developed Western-style countries to understand. Sudha Shenoy is the author of a wonderful little paper titled "Austrian Theory and the Undeveloped Areas: An Overview," first published in 1991 and recently made available by the Mises Institute. As Christopher Mayer tells us, Shenoy's arguments overwhelm with their simplicity.
