The radicals advocated the right of the slaves to rebel, either individually or en masse, and to resort to violence in their own self-defense, and to call on those outside the slave system to come to their assistance.
J.B. Say and the French Liberal School absorbed a method of approach that was, implicitly at least, subjectivist and individualist. And herein lies the reason for many modern critics' disparagement of the Liberal School.
The liberal revolutions that paved the way for the industrial revolution were hallmarks of great progress against the state. As Lord Acton noted, a continuation of this revolutionary spirit is our best hope against the state.
The authentic German liberals have fallen into total obscurity. Today, the figures who are celebrated as early-twentieth century German liberals are men who were, in fact, collectivists and forerunners of the totalitarian state.
Democracy works best at a small scale. The electoral college's nod to this reality is much too weak. But it's better than nothing.
Mexican interventionists are now pushing the idea that Mexico is a country dominated by a free-market ideology which they call "neo-liberalism." But any serious look at Mexico's government makes it clear this is not the case.
The fruit of the Enlightenment has been the growth and centralization of the state, at the expense of all other institutions. The material plenty we enjoy today are in spite of this change, not because of it.
States love wars because they enable the state, under the slogans of "defense" and "emergency," to impose a tyranny upon the public that might have been openly resisted in time of peace.
There is a persistent myth that capitalism has destroyed what would have been a natural abundance and peace of mind. Yet nature does not generate abundance or peace. The characteristic mark of the "state of nature" is irreconcilable conflict.
Not only is capitalism not a system of the exploitation of labor, but the real system of the exploitation of labor is socialism.
