21

RAW MATERIALS

It is said that the most advantageous of all branches of trade is that which supplies manufactured commodities in exchange for raw materials. For these raw materials are the aliment and support of national labor.

Hence the conclusion is drawn:

That the best law of customs is that which gives the greatest possible facility to the importation of raw materials, and which throws most obstacles in the way of importing finished goods.

22

METAPHORS

A fallacy sometimes expands, and runs through the whole texture of a long and elaborate theory. More frequently, it shrinks and contracts, assumes the guise of a principle, and lurks in a word or a phrase.

23

CONCLUSION

All the Sophisms I have so far combated relate to the restrictive policy; and some of the most notable on this subject I have, in pity to the reader, even passed over: acquired rights; unsuitableness; exhaustion of money, etc., etc.

VII.

ECONOMIC SOPHISMS—SECOND SERIES

1

NATURAL HISTORY OF SPOLIATION

Why do I give myself up to that dry science, political economy?

The question is a proper one. All labor is so repugnant in its nature that one has the right to ask of what use it is.

Let us examine and see.

I do not address myself to those philosophers who, if not in their own names, at least in the name of humanity, profess to adore poverty.

2

TWO SYSTEMS OF MORALS

Arrived at the end of the preceding chapter, if he gets so far, I imagine I hear the reader say:

3

THE TWO HATCHETS

PETITION OF JACQUES BONHOMME, CARPENTER, TO MR. CUNINGRIDAINE, MINISTER OF COMMERCE

Mr. Manufacturer Minister,

I am a carpenter by trade, as was St. Joseph of old, and I handle the hatchet and adze for your benefit.

Now, while engaged in hewing and chopping from morning to night upon the lands of our Lord the King,1 the idea has struck me that my labor may be regarded as national, as well as yours.

And, in these circumstances, I cannot see why protection should not visit my woodyard as well as your workshop.

4

LOWER COUNCIL OF LABOR

“What! You have the nerve to demand for all citizens a right to sell, buy, barter, and exchange; to render and receive service for service, and to judge for themselves, on the single condition that they do all honestly, and comply with the demands of the public treasury? Then you simply desire to deprive our workmen of employment, of wages, and of bread?”

That is what is said to us. I know very well what to think of it; but what I wish to know is, what the workmen themselves think of it.

5

DEARNESS—CHEAPNESS

I think it necessary to submit to the reader some theoretical remarks on the illusions to which the words dearness and cheapness give rise. At first sight, these remarks may, I feel, be regarded as subtle, but the question is not whether they are subtle or the reverse, but whether they are true. Now, I not only believe them to be perfectly true, but to be well fitted to suggest matter for reflection to men (of whom there are not a few) who have sincere faith in the efficacy of a protectionist policy.

6

TO ARTISANS AND WORKMEN

Many journals have attacked me in your presence and hearing.1 Perhaps you will not object to read my defense.

I am not suspicious. When a man writes or speaks, I take it for granted that he believes what he says.

And yet, after reading and re-reading the journals to which I now reply, I seem unable to discover any other than melancholy tendencies.

Our present business is to inquire which is more favorable to your interests—liberty or restriction.