PREFACE TO THE SECOND GERMAN EDITION
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When the first edition of this book was published twelve years ago,
the nations and their governments were just preparing for the tragic enterprise
of the Great War. They were preparing, not merely by piling up arms and
munitions in their arsenals, but much more by the proclamation and zealous
propagation of the ideology of war. The most important economic element in this
war ideology was inflationism.
My book also dealt with the problem of
inflationism and attempted to demonstrate the inadequacy of its doctrines; and
it referred to the changes that threatened our monetary system in the immediate
future. This drew upon it passionate attacks from those who were preparing the
way for the monetary catastrophe to come. Some of those who attacked it soon
attained great political influence; they were able to put their doctrines into
practice and to experiment with inflationism upon their own
countries.
Nothing is more perverse than the common assertion that
economics broke down when faced with the problems of the war and postwar
periods. To make such an assertion is to be ignorant of the literature of
economic theory and to mistake for economics the doctrines based on excerpts
from archives that are to be found in the writings of the adherents of the
historico-empirico-realistic school. Nobody is more conscious of the
shortcomings of economics than economists themselves, and nobody regrets its
gaps and failings more. But all the theoretical guidance that the politician of
the last ten years needed could have been learned from existing doctrine. Those
who have derided and carelessly rejected as "bloodless abstraction" the assured
and accepted results of scientific labor should blame themselves, not
economics.
It is equally hard to understand how the assertion could have
been made that the experience of recent years has necessitated a revision of
economics. The tremendous and sudden changes in the value of money that we have
experienced have been nothing new to anybody acquainted with currency history;
neither the variations in the value of money, nor their social consequences, nor
the way in which the politicians reacted to either, were new to economists. It
is true that these experiences were new to many etatists, and this is perhaps
the best proof that the profound knowledge of history professed by these
gentlemen was not genuine but only a cloak for their mercantilistic
propaganda.
The fact that the present work, although unaltered in
essentials, is now published in a rather different form from that of the first
edition is not due to any such reason as the impossibility of explaining new
facts by old doctrines. It is true that, during the twelve years that have
passed since the first edition was published, economics has made strides that it
would be impossible to ignore. And my own occupation with the problems of
catallactics has led me in many respects to conclusions that differ from those
of the first edition. My attitude toward the theory of interest is different
today from what it was in 1911; and although, in preparing this as in preparing
the first edition, I have been obliged to postpone any treatment of the problem
of interest (which lies outside the theory of indirect exchange), in certain
parts of the book it has nevertheless been necessary to refer to the problem.
Again, on the question of crises my opinions have altered in one respect: I have
come to the conclusion that the theory which I put forward as an elaboration and
continuation of the doctrines of the Currency School is in itself a sufficient
explanation of crises and not merely a supplement to an explanation in terms of
the theory of direct exchange, as I supposed in the first edition.
Further
I have become convinced that the distinction between statics and dynamics cannot
be dispensed with even in expounding the theory of money. In writing the first
edition, I imagined that I should have to do without it, in order not to give
rise to any misunderstandings on the part of the German reader. For in an
article that had appeared shortly before in a widely read symposium, Altmann had
used the concepts "static" and "dynamic," applying them to monetary theory in a
sense that diverged from the terminology of the modern American school. [1]
Meanwhile, however, the significance of the distinction between statics and
dynamics in modern theory has probably become familiar to everybody who, even if
not very closely, has followed the development of economics. It is safe to
employ the terms nowadays without fear of their being confused with Altmann's
terminology. I have in part revised the chapter on the social consequences of
variations in the value of money in order to clarify the argument. In the first
edition the chapter on monetary policy contains long historical discussions; the
experiences of recent years afford sufficient illustrations of the fundamental
argument to allow these discussions now to be dispensed with.
A section on
problems of banking policy of today has been added, and one in which the
monetary theory and policy of the etatists are briefly examined. In compliance
with a desire of several colleagues I have also included a revised and expanded
version of a short essay on the classification of theories of money, which was
published some years ago in volume 44 of the Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und
Sozialpolitik.
For the rest, it has been far from my intention to deal
critically with the flood of new publications devoted to the problems of money
and credit. In science, as Spinoza says, "the truth bears witness both to its
own nature and to that of error." My book contains critical arguments only where
they are necessary to establish my own views and to explain or prepare the
ground for them. This omission can be the more easily justified in that this
task of criticism is skillfully performed in two admirable works that have
recently appeared. [2]
The concluding chapter of part three, which deals
with problems of credit policy, is reprinted as it stood in the first edition.
Its arguments refer to the position of banking in 1911, but the significance of
its theoretical conclusions does not appear to have altered. They are
supplemented by the above-mentioned discussion of the problems of present-day
banking policy that concludes the present edition. But even in this additional
discussion, proposals with any claim to absolute validity should not be sought
for. Its intention is merely to show the nature of the problem at issue. The
choice among all the possible solutions in any individual case depends upon the
evaluation of pros and cons; decision between them is the function not of
economics but of politics.
LUDWIG VON MISES
Vienna
March 1924
[1] See Altmann, "Zur deutschen
Geldlehre des 19. Jahrhunderts," in Die Entwicklung der deutschen
Volkswirtschaftslehre im 19. Jahrhundert, Schmoller Festschrift
(Leipzig, 1908).
[2] See Döring, Die Geldtheorien seit
Knapp, 1st ed. (Greifswald, 1921; 2d ed. Greifswald, 1922); Palyi,
Der Streit um die Staatliche Theorie des Geldes (Munich and Leipzig, 1922)
(also in Schmoller's Jahrbuch, 45. Jahrgang). Also see the acute
investigations of G. M. Verrijn Stuart, Inleiding tot de Leer der
Waardevastheid van het Geld ('s Gravenhage, 1919).
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