Power & Market
Coming This Month: A $750 Billion Corporate Bond-Buying Program
On the list of things that the government should not do, there must be a spot for the $750 billion corporate bond buying that is slated to begin this month. Under the Primary Market Corporate Credit Facility (PMCCF) and the Secondary Market Corporate Credit Facility (SMCCF), the Fed will lend money to the US government, which will make the appropriate bond purchases. Whether the Treasury will enlist the help of the best bond traders from Wall Street to actively trade in the market or whether a simple buy-and-hold strategy will be employed has yet to be seen. But this is what we know from this week’s press release, courtesy of the New York Fed:
the SMCCF is expected to begin purchasing eligible ETFs [exchange-traded funds] in early May. The PMCCF is expected to become operational and the SMCCF is expected to begin purchasing eligible corporate bonds soon thereafter.
Per the Federal Reserve, the PMCCF program is supposed to “provide companies access to credit so that they are better able to maintain business operations and capacity during the period of dislocations related to the pandemic,” while the SMCCF program is designed to “support credit to employers by providing liquidity to the market for outstanding corporate bonds.” These explanations sound both nebulous and temporary, so we will continue to monitor their development.
There are consequences to having a government buy and ultimately sell corporate bonds, such as artificially increasing bond prices, increasing the money supply, and effectively subsidizing certain corporations at the expense of taxpayers. An exhaustive list would be a laborious attempt to show what many policymakers appear not to know. Although it is important to factor in the immediate consequences, we must also consider one very important question: When will this end for good?
Whether or not the bonds are repaid or the securities successfully traded is not as important as the fact that once the program starts, it could become a permanent monetary tool for the Fed. Even worse, if the program is considered a success, it may lead to a wider acceptance of government ownership of other assets to be funded by Fed lending facilities.
To gain insight into these asset programs’ potential future, we can look at the European Union, whose central bank interventionism is more advanced. On Tuesday the German Federal Constitutional Court ruled that the European Central Bank (ECB) has three months to carry out a “proportionality assessment” of its now €2 trillion public bond program, known as the Public Sector Purchase Programme (PSPP), which began in 2015. Upon review of the assessment, the German court may block the ECB from buying German bonds due to a potential breach in the constitutionality of the asset program. In what can serve as a sign of things to come, the court said that:
the PSPP lowers general interest rates, it allows economically unviable companies to stay on the market. Finally, the longer the programme continues and the more its total volume increases, the greater the risk that the Eurosystem becomes dependent on Member State politics as it can no longer simply terminate and undo the programme without jeopardising the stability of the monetary union.
Even more inspiring than the ruling is the fact that the complaint was originated, as the Financial Times noted, by 1,750 people, led by German economists and legal professors!
Considering how many economic and legal professors there are in America, one would think that a significant number of them would consistently challenge the Fed and the government on issues such as multitrillion-dollar bailout programs, or at least make a concerted effort to enlighten the public on the government’s anticapitalist endeavors. Sadly, there seems to be little desire for the “experts” to bring this to the public’s attention, even though the public is liable to pay for these programs without ever consenting to them. If not academia, who will stand up against these borderline unconstitutional actions, which are nearly impossible to wind down once they begin?

Total Employment Falls to Near 20-Year Low
As predicted by many, April's employment numbers were the worst ever recorded since the US government began making these estimates in 1939.
The US Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released new estimates this morning, and unemployment surged to 14.4 percent. That's below the Great Depression high of 24.9 in 1933, but it's above the early 1980s depression peak of 11.3 percent.
According to the BLS report:
In April, the unemployment rate increased by 10.3 percentage points to 14.7 percent. This is the highest rate and the largest over-the-month increase in the history of the series (seasonally adjusted data are available back to January 1948). The number of unemployed persons rose by 15.9 million to 23.1 million in April. The sharp increases in these measures reflect the effects of the coronavirus pandemic and efforts to contain it.
In April, unemployment rates rose sharply among all major worker groups. The rate was 13.0 percent for adult men, 15.5 percent for adult women, 31.9 percent for teenagers,14.2 percent for Whites, 16.7 percent for Blacks, 14.5 percent for Asians, and 18.9 percent for Hispanics. The rates for all of these groups, with the exception of Blacks, represent record highs for their respective series.
Total employment crashed to a near twenty-year low as more than 20 million jobs were lost in the wake of the COVID-19 panic and numerous government-imposed "lockdowns" on the economy, which forced many businesses to close and many workers to lose their jobs as part of statewide "stay-at-home" orders.
Total nonfarm employment has sunk back to 131 million, where it was in early 2000. All the job gains of the past decade have been lost, and for all intents and purposes, the job gains of the post–dot-com bust were lost as well.
The year-over-year change in nonfarm employment cratered at negative 12.8 percent, falling well below the YOY job losses experienced during the trough of the Great Recession.
Meanwhile, the number of Americans who prefer to work full time but can only find part-time work surged to levels above those of the 2009 recession.
The employment to population ratio collapsed to multi-decade lows, falling to 51.3 percent and below the rates seen during the early 1960s, when single-earner households were far more common.
Needless to say, it doesn't require a lot of slicing and dicing of the data to see that this report shows enormous job losses and suggests similarly large losses in total output, income, and demand. We have yet to see the trends that come next: missed rent payments, foreclosures, and auto repossessions. It is possible that some job gains will ensue once fears over COVID-19 somewhat subside and businesses are allowed to open. But we do not yet even know the full extent of the job losses, as they will continue through May, at least.
In the bigger picture, it remains very difficult to guess how much of the collapse in employment is due to government-forced shutdowns and how much is due to consumers abandoning businesses over fears of the COVID-19 disease. We know that the job losses are not 100-percent due to the shutdowns, but we know that the forced shutdowns certainly played a role. After all, we know of many cases where businesses with customers have been forced to shut down, or in which "nonessential" independent contractors were arrested or forced out of business for serving customers.
The relative effects of these two factors will likely never be known, but we do know that the fallout of both has not yet been measured. May's employment report will show sizable job losses as well, and the promised "v-shaped recovery" is by no means a given. Many economists predicted something similar in the wake of the the 2009 job losses and financial crises. That never happened, and following the last recession, the previous peak in employment was not reached again for over six years:
Is the BLS Underestimating Unemployment? Two Fed Economists Say Yes
In a report for the Chicago Fed released Tuesday, Jason Faberman and Aastha Rajan suggest that the current realities of "unpaid leave" and other categories don't quite fit into the standard BLS measures. They suggest the unemployment rate really could be as high as 34 percent,
In summary, more than 26 million new unemployment claims are already reported between mid-March and mid-April, and job losses could exceed 20 million through April. The official unemployment rate may only capture a fraction of these losses. This is because the unique nature of the Covid-19 crisis has led to the furlough of many workers and has also made it difficult for people to look for new work, even if jobs are available. In this blog, we have proposed an alternative measure of underutilization, the U-Cov rate, which captures a broad range of workers affected by the crisis. This rate reached 12.9% in March, up 2.5 percentage points from its February level. We predict that it could reach between 25.1% and 34.6% in April, an increase of 16 to 21 percentage points, reflecting the breadth of the sharp contraction currently affecting the labor market.
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Excess Deaths up 18 Percent for Week of April 11, New York Deaths Were Twice the Average
In recent weeks, we've been keeping an eye on weekly total deaths as they are reported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Weekly deaths—as opposed to COVID-19 death totals—provide some needed context. This is important, since we now know that doctors and health administrators are encouraged to be—in the words of Deborah Birx—"liberal" with counting COVID-19 deaths.
This week I'm looking at week 15 (the week ending April 11). The CDC says that week 16 data is "100% complete" but experience suggests that it will still be a week or two before we have 90 percent or so of the total.
Even week 15 will continue to adjust upward, but large adjustments for week 15 are unlikely at this point.
Looking at the data we do have, there were 65,524 total deaths in the US during the week of April 11. That's up 18 percent (or 10,338 deaths) over the week 15 average (55,186) for 2017–19. Using the average for 2017–19 as the baseline, "excess deaths" number about 10,000 or 0.0031 percent of the US population. Interestingly, no weekly total this year has yet equaled the total mortality for week 2 of 2018, which was a very bad flu year according to the CDC (week 1 is on the left in blue and week 15 is on the right in gray for each year):
Not surprisingly, a large portion of this is coming from New York State. In New York, the week 15 total was 4,156 death, which was 2,129 above the 2017–19 average of 2,027. So, about one-fifth of all excess death in week 15 came from New York. With excess deaths at more than 2,000 for week 15, that means deaths more than doubled the average for that week:
This isn't surprising, since, as we see here, COVID-19 deaths in New York are many times larger per capita than is the case in the rest of the nation. Indeed, as of late April, New York and New Jersey combined accounted for more COVID-19 deaths than all other US states combined. New York's excess deaths during week 15 amount to 0.01 percent of the state's population.
Many other states saw far more modest increases. In Florida, for instance, the data received through May 7 shows that there is still no sign of a New York-like surge for the week of April 11. Total deaths for week 15 of 2020 were 4,214, which was up five percent, or 134 deaths, over the 2017–19 average of 4,010. One hundred thirty-four deaths is 0.00054 percent of the state's population.
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Death and Unemployment
David Flattum by email points out that in the movie The Big Short, it is said that each 1 percent rise in the unemployment rate is associated with forty thousand deaths. Another anonymous emailer suggests that the government authors of shutdowns be held accountable by international tribunals for the deaths they cause.
These comments motivate a brief look at unemployment and death. To that end, a search was conducted using DuckDuckGo on “unemployment relation to death.” The first article, dated February 13, 2015, reports on a study of the 2008 recession:
The analysis, carried out by Carlos Nordt and colleagues at the University of Zurich, explored the link between increases in rates of unemployment and suicide. They attribute 45,000—or one in five—suicides a year worldwide to unemployment, with a further 5,000 deaths caused by the economic crisis.
The suicide numbers across sixty-three countries rival those from this new virus:
The researchers found that there had been an increase in the relative risk of suicide associated with unemployment across all regions of 20% to 30%. There were an estimated 233,000 suicides a year between 2000–11, of which around 45,000 could be attributed to unemployment. In 2007, the year before the crash, there were 41,148 identified cases of suicide. In 2009, this number had risen to 46,131—an increase of 4,983 or 12%.
The next article, “Rising Unemployment Causes Higher Death Rates, Yale Researcher Shows,” is dated May 23, 2002. An epidemiologist conducted this study, and it encompassed advanced economies like America’s:
“Employment is the essential element of social status and it establishes a person as a contributing member of society and also has very important implications for self-esteem,” said Brenner. “When that is taken away, people become susceptible to depression, cardiovascular disease, AIDS and many other illnesses that increase mortality.”
The third article is a National Center for Biotechnology (NCBI) article. The NCBI is a branch of the National Institute of Health (NIH). This article dates from August 26, 2014. It’s titled “What Is the Effect of Unemployment on All-Cause Mortality? A Cohort Study Using Propensity Score Matching.”
Unemployment was associated with a significant all-cause mortality risk relative to employment for men….This effect was robust to controlling for prior health and socio-demographic characteristics. Effects for women were smaller and statistically insignificant…
For men, the findings support the notion that the often observed association between unemployment and mortality may contain a significant causal component though for women there is less support for this conclusion. However, female employment status, as recorded in the census, is more complex than for men and may have served to under-estimate any mortality effect of unemployment.
Conclusion of this blog: it would be highly irresponsible for American governments at all levels to ignore the established knowledge of a positive link between unemployment and mortality. Those who keep insisting on policies like lockdowns and other arbitrary rules that have caused immense unemployment need to change their policies now and change quickly. Otherwise, they will have a great deal to answer for, namely, excess deaths caused by the policies causing unemployment.
Originally published at Lewrockwell.com.
For more, see: "Unemployment Kills: The Longer Lockdowns Last, the Worse It Will Get," by Ryan McMaken.
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How Big Will These Federal Programs Get? No One Knows.
When was the last time the government delivered both on time and under budget? In the case of public bailouts, it seems every week brings more program expansions. We can only speculate as to how big the Main Street Lending Program (MSLP) and the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) will be by the time we get out of the Great Lockdown.
Last Thursday, after reviewing 2,200 public comments regarding the MSLP, the Fed decided to lower the minimum loan amount from $1 million to $500,000, allowed lenders to retain a 15 percent rather than 5 percent share for certain loans, and increased eligibility to companies with an annual revenue of up to $5 billion instead of $2.5 billion. The $600 billion facility still has yet to open. But when it does, and if it gets fully funded, it will expand the Fed’s balance sheet by approximately 10 percent.
The PPP could also expand the balance sheet by this amount, considering that the program started at $349 billion and has already grown to $670 billion. The same day as the MSLP release, it was announced that the PPP would expand to work with smaller nonbanks such as those in the farm credit system and community development institutions. The April 27 to May 1 US Small Business Administration Report showed that in the second round of funding there were over 2 million applications approved for $175 billion. This means that there is still a couple hundred billion dollars left which should be exhausted shortly. Given the number of approvals for these forgivable loans, would anyone be surprised if the program were expanded for a third time?
We can only wonder. But as a CNN interview with Larry Kudlow revealed, the top economic advisor to the president said that they might consider getting additional money for the PPP since:
This has been an extremely popular and effective program, no question about it. You know, keeping folks on the payroll is so important….we will be looking at that.
The Fed’s most recent balance sheet update shows that only $19 billion from the PPP Liquidity Facility has been utilized thus far; therefore, we will continue to monitor this amount. Unfortunately, it could reach $600 billion in the months ahead. Both programs are unique because the public will be able to directly participate compared to other programs, in which most cannot, such as various Fed asset purchases, lending, and bond programs.
However, a third program might include Main Street as well. This too has been expanded as of last week: the $500 billion Municipal Lending Facility (MLF). The population requirements were lowered to accept cities with 250,000 residents (formerly 1 million) and counties with 500,000 residents (formerly 2 million). This may spawn more grant programs and other “investments” that could sweep the country and trickle down to members of the public.
Between the maximum capacity of these three programs, the Fed may contribute a $1.7 trillion increase to the money supply. How big the balance sheet will be by the time life returns to normal is anyone’s guess. Also keep in mind that the effect of the banks later pyramiding this money is rarely ever discussed. Nevertheless, all this debt raises another interesting question: How will we pay this money back?
The Wall Street Journal recently posed a similar question to St. Louis Fed president James Bullard. When asked about “the inevitable day of reckoning,” he replied:
We’re borrowing and we’re gonna have to pay that back in the future, so our future tax burden is that much higher. But can we handle it as a nation? I think we can.
Should we take the advice of one of the most respected central bankers in the country? After all, we’ve been told that it was the Fed that brought us out of the last financial crisis. Surely, they can do the same thing again, only this time on a much larger scale…
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COVID Panic: The New War on Human Rights
In a world where the Left has declared everything from abortion to social media to be a human right, it is disheartening, to say the least, that so many who think of themselves as "progressive" have embraced wholesale violations of real human rights: namely, the rights to seek employment, to freely assemble, and to exercise one's religion.
The ban on searching for employment is the most damaging in its immediate effects, and the war against this right looks something like this: in the name of preventing the spread of disease, civil governments have taken to issuing decrees—in many cases without any sort of legal process that allows for appeal or public debate—shutting down businesses and prohibiting the free exercise of one's right to seek employment.
Why Looking for Work Is a Basic Human Right
In other words, individuals have been prohibited from entering into peaceful voluntary agreements with others to sell their labor in exchange for wages. For those who earn a living through independent contracting or selling goods and services, the effect is the same: commerce with others is forbidden, with the result being impoverishment and a loss of one's income.
In the American context, this is violation of several rights outlined in the Bill of Rights, most especially the property rights outlined in the Fifth Amendment. To be cut off from one's own labor and one's own right to enter into contracts is fundamentally a destruction of the basic right to control one's own property. But, of course, these rights are not specifically American. All human beings have these rights, whether recognized by government officials or not. A farm worker in Tanzania has these rights just as much as an insurance agent in Baltimore. To ignore these rights is no less backward than ignoring rights to free speech or the right to not be enslaved. Any governmental attempt to seize property in this way requires—morally speaking—due process.
The Inequality of Shutdowns
Those in favor of lockdowns and impoverishing millions insist that there is no other way. Unless we outlaw employment for millions, we are told, the death toll will be unacceptable. Of course, when pressed for what death toll is "acceptable," no answer is given. Is it six hundred thousand (the number who die from cancer in the US each year)? Sixty thousand (the number who typically die in the US from flu and pneumonia each year)? Some lesser number? One? This figure remains a great mystery. We are only told that human rights are null and void until the "experts" decide otherwise.
Politicians still, begrudgingly, allow some people to exercise their right to work for a living. These people are the ones in so-called essential lines of work. Which types of work are essential? Well, that's up to the arbitrary whims of the state governors who now rule by decree (and collect six-figure paychecks while cosigning others to unemployment). In some places, hardware stores are "essential." In other places, they are not. In some places, diagnostic procedures to find brain tumors are deemed "elective" and therefore verboten. In other places they're allowed.
Should private citizens violate these many prohibitions and limitations, the result is anything but voluntary: the state uses force (or the threat of force) to impose fines, jail time, and to revoke business licenses.
The result, of course, is mass unemployment and the loss of access to a wide variety of goods and services, including housing, transportation, education, insurance, and even basic necessities like food. The newly and forcibly unemployed are expected to be content to sit at home, go on welfare, prepare for bankruptcy, and watch their children go hungry.
Meanwhile, those who complain about the regime's callous and immoral disregard of human rights are denounced by the ruling (and very well-paid) technocrats.
Some especially out-of-touch pro-shutdown "COVID Warriors" rationalize it all by insisting that these prohibitions on earning a living are, as Dr. Anthony Fauci claims, mere inconveniences. It's easy to see why someone like Fauci might think this way. His government salary is $400,000 dollars (not including whatever lucrative contract work he has on the side), and there is little risk he'll be missing any mortgage payments any time soon.
Similarly, lots of white-collar "creative class" types who can work from home delight in lecturing other people about "staying home" and "flattening the curve" while working-class people who work in fields that require human interaction are just out of luck. Some simply can't afford to give up their incomes and wait around for small, inadequate government checks that may take weeks to arrive. At some point in the near future those checks will stop coming, an even in places where the state plans to ramp up welfare spending, the fact is a community must produce wealth before wealth can be distributed. An economy that is in decline will simply be redistributing a smaller and smaller pool of resources.
Not surprisingly, some business owners and contractors will try to open their businesses anyway. And some workers will still try to provide services in the marketplace—which is now a black market thanks to government decree. In these cases, the police—i.e., more government employees with safe jobs and hefty paychecks—intervene and arrest business owners, just to make sure the destitute aren't allowed to bring in a few bucks.
Those who support this systematic use of violence and harassment of peaceful citizens insist they have the moral high ground, and the crusaders for public health contend that they are are the only ones who care about human life while those execrable working-class barbers, hygienists, and front desk receptionists care only about filthy lucre.
The Costs of Unemployment and Isolation
In the real world, however, cutting people off from earning a living comes with many costs indeed. There is a growing mountain of data showing that unemployment leads to more deaths via drug abuse, suicide, and stroke. Other side effects are even more grim, such as the increase in domestic violence and child abuse recorded during these "stay at home" orders. Forcing people into isolation comes with real physchological effects that shorten lives.
But ignoring this reality is to be expected of those who have adopted the tunnel vision of the busybody and the public moralist. In the minds of the COVID Warriors, all that matters is the lives of the people the COVID Warriors have deemed important. Everyone else's life and well-being is of lesser importance. If there's more suicide and more child abuse, that's too bad, but it was all "worth it."
It should not surprise us that this war on human rights—led largely by smug intellectuals, billionaires, and politicians—has come wrapped in the mantle of moral supremacy. But such is the usual m.o. of those who view human rights as an inconvenient impediment to one's agenda. The Soviets insisted that they represented "the workers" and a revolution in favor of a more just world. The slave drivers of the Old South equated slavery with civilization itself. The absolutist monarchs of Renaissance Europe told themselves they were defenders of culture and God and national "honor." Then, as now, moral crusaders justified the destruction of dissidents, traitors, and anyone else who refused to repeat some variation of the slogan: "we're all in this together."
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How a Bad Economy Could Be Good for Stocks
What matters for the stock market is not the state of the real economy as such, but the state of monetary liquidity. In fact, bad economic conditions can actually be good for stocks. This is because monetary liquidity is determined by the interaction between the demand for money and the supply of money, the latter of which is associated with a looser monetary stance during crises.
As economic activity slows down, the demand for the services that the medium of exchange provides in the real economy declines. As a result, for a given pool of money a surplus of money emerges. As a rule, this surplus is put to work in financial markets, including the stock market.
Consequently, the prices of financial assets and stocks are pushed higher. (A deep economic slump also tends to be associated with a strong loosening in the central bank’s monetary stance, which further supports the growth momentum of the money supply.)
This was observed in the 1970s. The yearly growth rate of industrial production fell from 3.5 percent in January 1974 to –12.4 percent in May 1975. The yearly growth rate of the Consumer Price Index (CPI) declined from 12.3 percent in December 1974 to 9.4 percent by June of the following year.
As a result, the yearly growth rate of surplus money climbed from –7.7 percent in March 1974 to 7.6 percent in May 1975. In response to the increase in liquidity—i.e., the surplus money—the S&P500 climbed from 68.6 in December 1974 to 95.2 by June 1975—an increase of 38.8 percent.
Now if the pool of real savings is declining, it is possible that this increase in surplus money will not be employed in the stock market. Instead, investors may prefer to put it in safer assets such as Treasury bonds. This is something that was observed during the Great Depression.
For instance, the yearly growth rate of industrial production fell from 15.3 percent in January 1929 to –24.6 percent in October 1930. The yearly growth rate of the CPI also fell significantly, from –1.2 percent in January 1929 to –6.4 percent in December 1930.
In response to these large declines, the yearly growth rate of surplus money increased from –16.6 percent in May 1929 to 25.5 percent by November 1930.
Despite this strong increase in monetary liquidity, the S&P500 fell from 24.15 in October 1929 to 15.34 by December 1930—a fall of 36.5 percent. The index in fact continued to slide, falling to 4.4 by June 1932—an overall decline of 81.8 percent from October 1929.
I attribute the ineffectiveness of the increase in liquidity in strengthening the stock market between May 1929 and November 1930 to the possibility that the pool of real savings had declined significantly. The ensuing depression and massive unemployment forced people to stay out of any form of investment in stocks. As a result, the increase in liquidity was directed toward assets such as US Treasurys rather than stocks. During this period, the yield on the ten-year Treasury bond fell, from 3.71 percent in August 1929 to 3.19 percent by November 1930.
What is the current US economic background? Economic activity in terms of industrial production growth currently shows a visible weakening. After closing at 5.4 percent per annum in September 2018, the yearly growth rate fell to –1 percent in January 2020. The annual growth rate of the CPI, after having settled at 1.5 percent in February 2019, had climbed to 2.5 percent by January 2020.
The growth momentum of liquidity has shown a visible strengthening since August 2019. The yearly growth rate climbed from –2.7 percent to 4.2 percent by February 2020. The S&P500, however, after closing at 3,231 in December 2019, had plunged by 20 percent by March 2020, closing at 2,585.
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Coronavirus vs. the Economy: We Are at the Tipping Point
Most states and municipalities have shut down major sectors of their economies in the hope of minimizing the very real medical damage from the spread of the coronavirus. The benefit is assumed to be in saved lives, or at least a “flattened curve” that allows time for hospitals to ramp up capacity and for medical research to find treatments and a vaccine. To that extent, the economic shutdown will create a lot of good.
But it is reasonable to ask, “At what cost?” The economy is not some machine that can be turned off and on at the whim of politicians and medical experts. The economy is us, we the people, as we go about our daily lives trying to improve conditions for ourselves and our loved ones. As I write this, the shutdown has created more than 20 million additional unemployed workers and destroyed countless numbers of businesses. That is not a small cost. Is it worth it?
A rational person must ask if the benefits exceed the costs, or if the costs exceed the benefits. This is not easy to measure since benefits and costs do not always carry monetary values. Nevertheless, policymakers need to be aware of the tradeoffs and opportunity costs of their dictates. The argument is often put in terms of people vs. money. But that is an incorrect framework. It is about people vs. people, i.e. lives saved due to the shutdown (benefit) vs. lives lost due to the shutdown (cost).
Numerous economic studies show a high correlation between poverty and mortality, and between unemployment and mortality. Estimates range from a low of 10,000 additional deaths per percentage point increase in unemployment, to a high of 40,000. Suicides increase dramatically, the incidence of drug and alcohol abuse rises dramatically, crimes against persons and property increase, and critical medical care is postponed or canceled. The list goes on and on.
We must create income in order to create health. If we destroy income we will destroy health. But in order to create income, we must produce goods and services. Income is the payment for that production. We cannot shut down the economy, i.e., shut down production, and then print money to pretend it is not shut down. Money is merely a medium of exchange; it is not production-based income. At some point, the costs of the shutdown will exceed the benefits. But where is that point? For some wealthy individuals, that point will never be reached. For some poor individuals that point has already been exceeded. I believe that for the majority of people, we are fast approaching that tipping point.
If unemployment rises 20 percent above its preshutdown level, low-end estimates predict an additional 200,000 deaths. At 30 percent unemployment, it would be 300,000 deaths. Those numbers rise fourfold at the high end of the mortality estimates, so we could have over 1 million additional deaths from this economic shutdown.
Is it worth it? Isn’t there another way to minimize the medical damage from the coronavirus without creating such enormous medical damage from the economy? If the economy does not reopen within two to four weeks of this writing, we will see economic data not seen since the Great Depression in terms of unemployment (+25 percent) and lost GDP (–30 percent).
Some medical experts and politicians say that the economy should remain partially shut down until there are zero new coronavirus victims. Others say that it should remain shut for another 18–24 months, until an effective and safe vaccine has been developed and deployed. What madness!
To make matters worse, we are making this disastrous economic policy based on flawed (at best) medical data that is known to overstate coronavirus mortality. Why not err on the side of saving lives, rather than on the side of destroying them? We do know that the vast majority of people who contract coronavirus are either asymptomatic or have only minor symptoms. The highest levels of mortality are among the elderly who also have other preexisting health conditions. Why not focus on saving them instead of destroying the economy and the hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, of lives that will go along with that?
It is an inconvenient question, I know, but one that must be asked.
This article was published in The Gazette, Colorado Springs, April 19, 2020.
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The Fed Doesn't Make Grants. But It Makes Federal Giveaway Programs Possible.
April’s Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meeting did not offer many surprises and the targeted federal funds rate remained unchanged at 0 to 0.25 percent. Until recently it was the Committee's interest rate decision which held the interest of the populace, but given the newly created billion-dollar lending programs, Main Street has been given a new reason to pay attention. Unsurprisingly, the Fed's press releases can be somewhat lackluster, especially when no significant policy changes have been made. The statements appear almost templated and offer little variation between the previous meeting’s releases. However, it’s the opening statement and the Q&A that follows, which make for the most informative parts. It is in these moments that we can bear witness to the leadership and economic understanding of one of the most powerful men in the world.
The highlight of this session came near the end of his opening remarks regarding the Fed’s powers, when Chairman Powell pointed out that:
these are lending powers, and not spending powers. The Fed cannot grant money to particular beneficiaries. We can only make loans to solvent entities with the expectation that the loans will be repaid.
This statement is true. The Fed cannot actually “spend” the $6.573 trillion of total assets on its balance sheet; rather this amount is the result of the Fed purchasing or lending the equivalent dollar amount to entities that can buy assets such as stocks, bonds and real estate. The Fed can neither spend the $600 billion related to the Main Street Lending Program (MSLP) that has yet to be distributed or the $670 billion for the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP), which only recently opened.
His conviction of the Fed as a lender and not as a spender continued into the Q&A, when he told reporters:
We do not make grants. We cannot make grants.
Of course, when explaining how the MSLP differed from the PPP he mentioned how:
This is different from the PPP, that paycheck protection program in two ways. One is these are not grants, these are loans.
Ultimately, he is not in fact lying, since the Fed is not directly lending this money to bankrupt entities; however, the fact that someone is technically right does not mean that they are morally, ethically, or “economically” correct. Although they are not lending directly to individuals, it is dishonest to pretend that the Fed’s lending facility does not enable these programs to occur. It would be interesting to imagine what would happen if the Fed did not create these the lending facilities or buy US debt. After all, without the Fed's aggressive QE (quantitative easing) programs and asset purchases, the federal government would not be able to make the grants it does.
Considering that the US government received $3.462 trillion in tax revenue in 2019, if the above two programs had had to come directly from the taxpayer, the tax burden would have increased by another $1.2 trillion. This would have been nearly impossible to do, as it would have required Congress to convince the working class to effectively bail out the lucky individuals who submitted their loan/grant applications first. But since the Fed exists, Congress doesn't have to go to the taxpayers for revenue. Congress can just go to the Fed.
Perhaps it is for this very reason that the Fed was created, this seeming “monetary magic,” whereby money out of thin air can be given to the few at the expense of the many.
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Excess Deaths Now Total 4,500 in Early April for US Overall, Largely Driven by New York Totals
In recent weeks, we've been keeping an eye on weekly total deaths as they are reported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Weekly deaths—as opposed to COVID-19 death totals—provide some needed context. This is important, since we now know doctors and health administrators are encouraged to be—in the words of Deborah Birx—"liberal" with counting COVID-19 deaths.
This week I'm looking at week 14 (the week ending April 4) deaths for a second time as we wait for some more complete counting for week 15.
The week 14 data, which is now three weeks old, shows that nationwide total deaths were up by 4,512 over the 2017–19 average for week 14. In other words, "excess deaths" in week 14 now total about 0.0013 percent of the US population.
We also know that most of this is coming from the state of New York. New York now reports 3,373 total deaths for week 14. This means that for the week the death total was up by 1,385 over the 2017–19 average of 1,987.
This isn't surprising, since, as we see here, COVID-19 deaths in New York are many times larger per capita than is the case in the rest of the nation. Indeed, New York and New Jersey combined account for more COVID-19 deaths than all other US states combined.











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