[1] See Murray N. Rothbard, Conceived in Liberty, vol 2, "Salutary Neglect": The American Colonies in the First Half of the 18th Century (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1975), p. 194. Also see John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, Cato's Letters, in D. L. Jacobson, ed. The English Libertarian Heritage (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1965).

[2] For the radical libertarian impact of the Revolution within America, see Robert A. Nisbet, The Social Impact of the Revolution (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1974). For the impact on Europe, see the important work of Robert R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution, vol. I (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1959).

[3] Bernard Bailyn, "The Central Themes of the American Revolution: An Interpretation," in S. Kurtz and J. Hutson, eds., Essays on the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, NC.: Univer­sity of North Carolina Press, 1973), pp. 26?27.

[4] Quoted in William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease, eds., The Antislavery Argument (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1965), p. xxxv.

[5] Ironically enough, modern evolutionary theory is coming to abandon completely the theory of gradual evolutionary change. Instead, it is now perceived that a far more accurate picture is sharp and sudden flips from one static species equilibrium to another; this is being called the theory of "punctuational change." As one of the expounders of the new view, Professor Stephen Jay Gould, writes: "Gradualism is a philosophy of change, not an induction from nature. . . . Gradualism, too, has strong ideological components more responsible for its previous success than any objective matching with external nature.

?.The utility of gradualism as an ideology must explain much of its influence, for it became liberalism's quintessential dogma against radical change?sudden flips are against the laws of nature." Stephen Jay Gould, "Evolution: Explosion, Not Ascent," New York Times (January 22, 1978).

1 See Gertrude Himmelfarb, Lord Acton; A Study in Conscience and Politics (Chicago: Phoenix Books, 1962), pp. 294?05. Compare also John Wild, Plato's Modern Enemies and the Theory of Natural Law (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), p. 176.

2 John Locke, An Essay Concerning the True Original Extent and End of Civil Government, In E. Barker, ed., Social Contract (New York: Oxford University Press, 1948), pp. 17?18.

3 Locke, Civil Government, pp. 18?49. While Locke was a brilliant property theorist, we are not claiming that he developed and applied his theory with anything like complete consistency.

4 Locke, Civil Government, p. 20.

5 Leon Wolowski and Emile Levasseur, "Property," in Lalor's Cyclopedia of Political Science. . . (Chicago: M. B. Cary & Co., 1884), Ill, pp. 392?93.

6 Parker Thomas Moon, Imperialism and World Politics (New York: Macmillan, 1930), p. 58.

7 Arnold W. Green, "The Reified Villain," Social Research (Winter, 1968), p. 656.

8 Frank Chodorov, The Rise and Fall of Society (New York: Devin Adair, 1959), pp. 29?30.

1 John C. Calhoun, A Disquisition on Government (New York: Liberal Arts Press, 1953), pp. 25?27.

2 Franz Oppenheimer, The State (New York: Vanguard Press, 1926), pp. 24?27 and passim.

3 Albert Jay Nock, On Doing the Right Thing, and Other Essays (New York: Harper & Bros., 1928), p. 145.

4 Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper & Bros., 1942), pp. 198 and 198n.

5 Lysander Spooner, No Treason, No. VI The Constitution of No Authority (1870, reprinted in Larkspur, Colo.: Pine Tree Press, 1966), p. 17.

6 Calhoun, Disquisition on Government, pp. 16?18.

7 James Burnham, Congress and The American Tradition (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1959), pp. 6?8.

8 Burnham, op. cit., p. 3.

9 Bertrand De Jouvenel, On Power (New York: Viking Press 1949), p. 22.

10 Norman Jacobs, The Origin of Modern Capitalism and Eastern Asia (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1958), pp. 161?63, 185. The great work on all aspects of Oriental despotism is Karl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957).

11 H. L. Mencken, A Mencken Crestomathy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949), p. 145.

12 See Leonard P. Liggio, Why the Futile Crusade? (New York: Center for Libertarian Studies, April 1978), pp. 41?43.

13 George F. Kennan, Realities of American Foreign Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954), pp. 95?96.

14 Joseph Needham, "Review of Karl A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism," Science and Society (1958), p. 65. For an attitude in contrast to Needham's, see John Lukacs, "Intellectual Class or Intellectual Profession?," in George B. deHuszar, ed., The Intellectuals (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1960), p. 522.

15 Richard Neustadt, "Presidency at Mid-Century," Law and Contemporary Problems (Au­tumn, 1956), pp. 609?45; Townsend Hoopes, "The Persistence of Illusion: The Soviet Eco­nomic Drive and American National Interest," Yale Review (March 1960), p. 336.

16 Quoted in Thomas Reeves and Karl Hess, The End of the Draft (New York: Vintage Books, 1970), pp. 64?65.

17 Marcus Raskin, "The Megadeath Intellectuals," The New York Review of Books (Novem­ber 14, 1963), pp. 6?7. Also see Martin Nicolaus, "The Professor, the Policeman, and the Peasant," Viet-Report (June?July 1966), pp. 15?19.

18 On the typical genesis of the State, see Oppenheimer, op. cit., Chapter II. While scholars such as Lowie and Wittfogel (op. cit., pp. 324?25) dispute the Gumplowicz-Oppenheimer-­R?stow thesis that the State always originated in conquest, they concede that conquest often entered into the alleged internal development of States. Furthermore, there is evi­dence that in the first great civilization, Sumer, a prosperous, free and Stateless society existed until military defense against conquest induced the development of a permanent military and State bureaucracy. Cf. Samual Noah Kramer, The Sumerians (Chicago: Univer­sity of Chicago Press, 1963), pp. 73ff.

19 De Jouvenel, op. cit., p. 27.

20 Charles L. Black, Jr., The People and the Court (New York: Macmillan, 1960), pp. 42?43.

21 Ibid., pp. 32?33.

22 In contrast to the complacency of Black was the trenchant critique of the Constitution and the powers of the Supreme Court by the political scientist J. Allen Smith. Smith wrote that "Clearly, common sense required that no organ of the government should be able to determine its own powers." J. Allen Smith, The Growth and Decadence of Constitu­tional Government (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1930), p. 87. Clearly, common sense and "miracles" dictate very different views of government.

23 Ibid., p. 64.

24 Ibid., p. 65.

1 Cecilia M. Kenyon, "Men of Little Faith: The Anti-Federalists on the Nature of Repre­sentative Government," William and Mary Quarterly (January 1955), pp. 3?43.

1 There is one exception: the punishment of criminals who had themselves aggressed against or enslaved their victims. Such punishment in a libertarian system would at least involve forcing the criminal to work in order to pay restitution to his victim.

2 Significantly, the Thirteenth Amendment's only exception is the punishment of con­victed criminals mentioned in the previous note: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servi­tude except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."

3 Cf. James C. Miller III, ed., Why the Draft? (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1968).

4 Arthur A. Ekirch, Jr., The Civilian and the Military (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956), p. 28. For a trenchant attack by a Jeffersonian theorist on the American executive as commander-in-chief of the armed forces, see John Taylor of Caroline, An Inquiry into the Principles and Policy of the Government of the United States (1814, rep. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950), pp. 175ff. On the important influence of seventeenth-century English libertarian theorists and their hostility to a standing army upon the American Revolution, see Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 61?64. Also see Don Higgenbotham, The War of American Independence (New York: Macmillan, 1971), pp. 14?16.

5 On the Kellems case, see Vivien Kellems, Toil, Taxes and Trouble (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1952).

6 Stephen Schafer, Restitution to Victims of Crime (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1960), pp.7?8; William Tallack, Reparation to the Injured and the Rights of the Victims of Crime to Compensa­tion (London, 1900), pp. 11?12.

7 For a hilarious critique of the immunities of the arresting and penal authorities, see H. L. Mencken, "The Nature of Liberty," Prejudices: A Selection (New York: Vintage Books, 1958), pp. 138?43.

8 Quoted in Maggie Scarf, "Dr. Thomas Szasz...," New York Times Magazine (October 3,1971), pp. 42, 45. Among other works, see Thomas S. Szasz, Law, Liberty, and Psychiatry (New York: Macmillan, 1963).

1 For a critique of the "clear and present danger" criterion as insufficient for drawing a clear line between advocacy and overt act, see Alexander Meiklejohn, Political Freedom (New York: Harper & Bros., 1960), pp. 29?50;; and O. John Rogge, The First and the Fifth (New York: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1960), pp. 88ff.

2 In the decisions Hoover v. Intercity Radio Co., 286 Fed. 1003 (Appeals D.C., 1923); and United States v. Zenith Radio Corp., 12 F. 2d 614 (ND. Ill., 1926). See the excellent article by Ronald H. Coase, "The Federal Communications Commission," Journal of Law and Economics (October 1959), pp. 4?5.

3 Coase, ibid., p. 31n.

4 Harry P. Warner, Radio and Television Law (1958), p. 540. Quoted in Coase, op. cit., p. 32.

5 Decisions of the FRC, Docket No. 967, June 5,1931. Quoted in Coase, op. cit., p. 9.

6 The best and most fully elaborated portrayal of how private property rights could be assigned in radio and television is in A. DeVany et al., "A Property System for Market Allocation of the Electromagnetic Spectrum: A Legal-Economic-Engineering Study," Stanford Law Review (June 1969). See also William H. Meckling, "National Communications Policy: Discussion," American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings (May 1970), pp. 222?23. Since the DeVany article, the growth of community and cable television has further diminished the scarcity of frequencies and expanded the range of potential competition.

7 Don B. Kates, Jr., "Handgun Control: Prohibition Revisited," Inquiry (December 5, 1977), p. 21. This escalation of harsh enforcement and despotic search-and-seizure methods is already here. Not only in Britain and numerous other countries, where indiscriminate searches for guns take place; in Malaysia, Rhodesia, Taiwan, and the Philippines, which impose the death penalty for possession of guns; but also in Missouri, where St. Louis police have conducted literally thousands of searches of blacks in recent years on the theory that any black person driving a recent-model car must have an illegal gun; and in Michigan, where nearly 70% of all firearms prosecutions have been thrown out by the appellate courts on grounds of illegal search procedures. And already a Detroit police official has advocated abolition of the Fourth Amendment so as to permit indiscriminate general searches for violations of a future handgun prohibition. Ibid., p. 23.

8 Ibid., p. 21.

9 Ibid. The extremely harsh idea of jailing people for mere possession of handguns is not a farfetched straw man, but precisely the beau ideal of the liberal: the Massachusetts constitutional amendment, fortunately defeated overwhelmingly by the voters in 1977, provided for a mandatory minimum sentence of a year in prison for any person caught possessing a handgun.

10 Ibid., p. 22. Similarly in Britain, a 1971 Cambridge University study found that the British homicide rate, with handgun prohibition, has doubled in the last fifteen years. Furthermore, before the adoption of the handgun ban in 1920, the use of firearms in crime (when there were no gun restrictions at all) was far less than now.

1 Thus, see Paul Goodman, Compulsory Mis-education and the Community of Scholars (New York: Vintage Press, 1964), and numerous works by Goodman, John Holt, Jonathan Kozol, Herbert Kohl, Ivan Illich, and many others.

2 Thus, see Albert Jay Nock, The Theory of Education in the United States (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1949); and Nock, Memoirs of a Superfluous Man (New York: Harper & Bros., 1943).

3 See John William Perrin, The History of Compulsory Education in New England, 1896.

4 A. E. Twentyman, "Education; Germany," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 14th Ed. (1929), VII, 999-1000.

5 See Perrin, op. cit.

6 See Merle Curti, The Social Ideas of American Educators (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1935).

7 The Papers of Archibald D. Murphey (Raleigh, NC.: University of North Carolina Press, 1914), II, 53?54.

8 Ludwig von Mises, The Free and Prosperous Commonwealth (Princeton, N.J.: D. Van Nos­trand Co., 1962), pp. 114?15.

9 Calvin E. Stowe, The Prussian System of Public Instruction and its Applicability to the United States (Cincinnati, 1830), pp. 61ff. On the elitist motivations of the educational reformers, see Michael B. Katz, The Irony of Early School Reform (Boston: Beacon Press, 1970).

10 Quoted in Edward C. Kirkland, Dream and Thought in the Business Community, 1860?1900 (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1964), p. 54.

11 See Lloyd P. Jorgenson, "The Oregon School Law of 1922: Passage and Sequel," Catholic Historical Review (October 1968), pp. 455?460.

12 See David Hackett Fischer, "The Myth of the Essex Junto," William and Mary Quarterly (April 1964), pp. 191?235. Also see Murray N. Rothbard, "Economic Thought: Comment," in D.T. Gilchrist, ed., The Growth of the Seaport Cities, 1790?1825 (Charlottesville, Va.: Univer­sity Press of Virginia, 1967), pp. 178?79.

13 E. G. West, Education and the State (London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1965), pp. 13?14.

14 Herbert Read, The Education of Free Men (London: Freedom Press, 1944), pp. 27?28.

15 Herbert Spencer, Social Statics (London: John Chapman, 1851), pp. 332?33.

16 Isabel Paterson, The God of the Machine (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1943), pp. 257?58.

17 Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), pp. 85?107.

18 For a libertarian critique of the voucher scheme, see George Pearson, Another Look at Education Vouchers (Wichita, Kan.: Center for Independent Education).

19 Arthur L. Stinchcombe, Rebellion in a High School (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1964), p. 180. Quoted in Edward C. Banfield, The Unheavenly City (Boston: Little, Brown & Co.,1970), p. 136.

20 Banfield, ibid., p. 292.

21 See Banfield, ibid., pp. 149ff.

22 W. Lee Hansen and Burton A. Weisbrod, Benefits, Costs, and Finance of Public Higher Education (Chicago: Markham Pub. Co., 1969), p. 78. On Wisconsin and its comparison with California, see W. Lee Hansen, "Income Distribution Effects of Higher Education," American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings (May 1969), pp. 335?40. On the general problem of redistribution from poorer to richer in the modern "welfare state," see Leonard Ross, "The Myth that Things are Getting Better," New York Review of Books (Aug. 12, 1971), pp. 7?9.

23 On the Marjorie Webster Junior College case, see James D. Koerner, "The Case of Marjorie Webster," The Public Interest (Summer, 1970), pp. 40?64.

24 James M. Buchanan and Nicos E. Devletoglou, Academia in Anarchy: An Economic Diagno­sis (New York: Basic Books, 1970), pp. 32?33.

1 The Statistical Abstract of the United States, in its various annual editions, has the basic data for the nation. For the local figures and some earlier analysis, see Henry Hazlitt, Man vs. the Welfare State (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1969), pp. 59?60.

2 See Roger A. Freeman, "The Wayward Welfare State," Modern Age (Fall, 1971), pp. 401?02. In a detailed state-by-state study, Professors Brehm and Saving estimated that over 60% of the number of welfare clients in each state in 1951 could be accounted for by the level of welfare payments in that state; by the cod of the '50s, the percentage had increased to over 80%. C. T. Brehm and T. R. Saving, "The Demand for General Assistance Payments," American Economic Review (December 1964), pp. 1002?1018.

   3 Governor's Commission on the Los Angeles Riots, Violence in the City?An End or a Beginning? December 2, 1965, p. 72; quoted in Edward C. Banfield, The Unheavenly City (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1970), p. 288.

4 Irving Kristol, "Welfare: The best of intentions, the worst of results." Atlantic Monthly (August 1971), p. 47.

5 Charity Organisation Society, 15th Annual Report, 1883, p. 54; quoted in Charles Loch Mowat, The Charity Organisation Society, 1869?1913 (London: Methuen & Co., 1961), p. 35.

   6 Charity Organisation Society, 2nd Annual Report, 1870, p. 5; quoted in Mowat, ibid p. 36.

7 Welfare Plan of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (The General Church Welfare Committee, 1960), p.1.

8 Ibid., p. 4.

9 Ibid., p. 4.

10 Ibid., p. 5.

11 Ibid., p. 19.

12 ­Ibid., p. 22.

13 Ibid., p. 25.

14 Ibid., pp. 25, 46.

15 Ibid., pp. 46, 48.

16 New York Times, April 13, 1970.

17 Nadine Brozan, in New York Times, February 14, 1972.

18 Daniel Rosenblatt, "Barriers to Medical Care for the Urban Poor," in A. Shostak and W. Gomberg, eds., New Perspectives on Poverty (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1965), pp. 72?73; quoted in Banfield, The Unheavenly City, pg 286?87.

19 See Banfield, op. cit., pp. 210?16, 303. Infant mortality comparisons can be found in O. W. Anderson, "Infant Mortality and Social and Cultural Factors: Historical Trends and Current Patterns," in E. G. Jaco, ed., Patients, Physicians, and Illness (New York: The Free Press, 1958), pp. 10?22; the seven cities study is in R. M. Woodbury, Causal factors in Infant Mortality: A Statistical Study Based on Investigation in Eight Cities, U.S. Children's Bureau Publication #142 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1925), p. 157. On Irish and Jewish life expectancy see James J. Walsh, "Irish Mortality in New York and Pennsylvania," Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review (December 1921), p. 632. On the necessity for changing values and life styles in order to reduce infant mortality, see C. V. Willie and W. B. Rothney, "Racial, Ethnic and Income Factors in the Epidemiology of Neonatal Mortality," American Sociological Review (August 1962), p. 526.

20 Michael J. Piore, "Public and Private Responsibilities in On-the-Job Training of Disad­vantaged Workers," M.I.T. Dept. of Economics Working Paper #23, June 1968. Cited in Banfield, op. cit., pp. 105, 285.

21 Peter B. Doeringer, Ghetto Labor Markets?Problems and Programs, Harvard Institute of Economic Research, Discussion Paper #33, June 1968, p. 9; quoted in Banfield, op. cit., pp. 112, 285?286.

22 Banfield, ibid., p. 105. Also  p. 112.

23 Alvin W. Gouldner, "The Secrets of Organizations," in The Social Welfare Forum, Proceedings of the National Conference on Social Welfare (New York: Columbia Univer­sity Press, 1963), p. 175; quoted in Banfield, op. cit., pp. 221?22, 305.

24 Banfield, op. cit., p. 221.

25 Thomas Mackay, Methods of Social Reform (London: John Murray, 1896), p. 13.

26 Ibid., p. 38?39.

27 Ibid., pp. 259?60.

28 Ibid., pp. 268?69.

29 Mowat, op. cit., pp. 1?2.

30 Estelle James, "Review of The Economics of Vocational Rehabilitation," American Economic Review (June 1966), p. 642; also see Yale Brozen, "Welfare Without the Welfare State," The Freeman (December 1966), pp. 50?51.

31 "Poet and Agency at Odds Over His Day-Care Center," New York Times (April 17, 1978), p. B2.

32 Among numerous studies, see Yale Brozen and Milton Friedman, The Minimum Wage: Who Pays? (Washington, D.C.: Free Society Association, April 1966); and John M. Peterson and Charles T. Stewart, Jr., Employment Effects of Minimum Wage Rates (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, August 1969).

33 Brozen "Welfare Without the Welfare State," pp. 48?49.

34 In addition to Brozen, op. cit., see Yale Brozen, "The Untruth of the Obvious" The Freeman (June 1968), pp. 328?40. See also Yale Brozen, "The Revival of Traditional Liberal­ism," New Individualist Review (Spring, 1965), pp. 3?12; Sam Peltzman, "CAB: Freedom from Competition," New Individualist Review (Spring, 1963), pp. 16?23; Martin Anderson, The Federal Bulldozer (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1964). An introduction to the oil price story is Hendrik S. Houthakker, "No Use for Controls," Barrons (Nov. 8, 1971), pp. 7?8.

35 For the estimates, see Joseph A. Pechman, "The Rich, the Poor, and the Taxes They Pay," Public Interest (Fall, 1969), p. 33.

36 R. A. Herriott and H. P. Miller, "The Taxes We Pay," The Conference Board Record (May 1971), p. 40.

37 See William Chapman, "Study Shows Taxes Hit Poor," New York Post (February 10, 1971), p. 46; US News (December 9, 1968); Rod Manis, Poverty: A Libertarian View (Los Angeles: Rampart College, n.d.); Yale Brozen, "Welfare Without the Welfare State," op. cit.

38 ­Brozen, "Welfare Without the Welfare State," p. 47.

39 F. A. Harper, "The Greatest Economic Charity," in M. Sennholz, ed., On Freedom and Free Enterprise (Princeton, NJ.: D. Van Nostrand, 1956), p.106.

40 Isabel Paterson, The God of the Machine (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1943), pp. 248?50.

41 On the massive diversion of scientists and engineers to government in recent years see H. L. Nieburg, In the Name of Science (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1966); on the inefficiencies and misallocations of the military-industrial complex, see Seymour Melman, ed., The War Economy of the United States (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1971).

42 On the Matthew and Small Business Administration cases, see Jane Jacobs, The Economy of Cities (New York: Random House, 1969), pp. 225?28.

43 Data adapted from an unpublished study by Earl F. Mellor, "Public Goods and Ser­vices: Costs and Benefits, A Study of the Shaw-Cardozo Area of Washington, D.C." (pre­sented to the Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C., October 31, 1969).

44 Brozen, "Welfare Without the Welfare State," p. 52.

45 For a brilliant theoretical critique of the guaranteed annual income, negative income tax, and Nixon schemes see Hazlitt, Man vs. Welfare State, pp. 62?100. For a definitive and up-to-date empirical critique of all guaranteed annual income plans and experiments, including President Carter's welfare reform scheme, see Martin Anderson, Welfare: the Political Economy of Welfare Reform in the United States (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution, 1978).

1 Keynesians are creators of "macroeconomics" and disciples of Lord Keynes, the wealthy and charismatic Cambridge University economist whose General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1936) is the cornerstone of Keynesian economics.

2 A brief introduction to Austrian business cycle theory can be found in Murray N. Rothbard, Depressions: Their Cause and Cure (Lansing, Mich.: Constitutional Alliance, March 1969). The theory is set forth and then applied to the Great Depression of 1929?1933, and also used briefly to explain our current stagflation, in Rothbard, America's Great Depression, 3rd ed. (Kansas City, Kans.: Sheed and Ward, 1975).

The best source for the Austrian theory of money is still its original work: Ludwig von Mises, Theory of Money and Credit, 3rd ed. (Irvington-on Hudson, N.Y.: Foundation for Economic Education, 1971). For an introduction, see Rothbard, What Has Government Done to Our Money? 2nd ed. (Los Angeles: Libertarian Publishers, 1974).

3 For the analysis of the remainder of this chapter, see Rothbard, Depressions: Their Cause and Cure, pp. 13?26.

1 For a critique of the Post Office and the Postal Service, see John Haldi, Postal Monopoly (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1974).

1 See William C. Wooldridge, Uncle Sam the Monopoly Man (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1970), pp. 111ff.

2 See Wooldridge, op. cit., pp. 115?17. The criminological study was made by Jeremiah P. Shalloo, Private Police (Philadelphia: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1933). Wooldridge comments that Shalloo's reference to the good reputation of the railway police "contrasts with the present status of many big-city public forces; sanctions against misconduct are so ineffective or roundabout that they may as well not exist, however rhetorically comforting the forces' status as servants of the people may be." Wooldridge, op. cit., p. 117.

3 See Edward C. Kirkland, Industry Comes of Age: Business, Labor, and Public Policy, 1860?1897 (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1961), pp. 48?50.

4 >From an unpublished study by William Vickrey, "Transit Fare Increases a Costly Revenue."

5 For similar results of irrational pricing of runway service by government-owned air- ports, see Ross D. Eckert, Airports And Congestion (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1972).

6 Hank Burchard, "U.S. Highway System: Where to Now?," Washington Post (November 29, 1971). Or, as John Dyckman puts it: "in motoring facilities?additional accommodation creates additional traffic. The opening of a freeway designed to meet existing demand may eventually increase that demand until congestion on the freeway increases the travel time to what it was before the freeway existed." John W. Dyckman, "Transportation in Cities," in A. Schreiber, P. Gatons, and R. Clemmer, eds., Economics of Urban Problems; Selected Readings (Boston: Houghton Muffin, 1971), p. 143. For an excellent analysis of how increased supply cannot end congestion when pricing is set far below market price, see Charles O. Meiburg, "An Economic Analysis of Highway Services," Quarterly Journal of Economics (November 1963), pp. 648?56.

7 Professor Walters adds that with a suitably large application of the mileometer method, the cost of each mileometer could probably be reduced to about $10. A. A. Walters "The Theory and Measurement of Private and Social Cost of Highway Congestion," Econometrica (October 1961), p. 684. Also see Meiburg, op. cit., p. 652; Vickrey, op. cit.; Dyckman, "Trans­portation in Cities," op. cit., pp. 135?51; John F. Kain, "A Re-appraisal of Metropolitan Transport Planning," in Schreiber, Gatons, and Clemmer, op. cit., pp. 152?66; John R. Meyer, "Knocking Down the Straw Men," in B. Chinitz, ed., City and Suburb (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964), pp. 85?93; and James C. Nelson, "The Pricing of Highway, Waterway, and Airway Facilities," American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings (May 1962), pp. 426?32.

8 Douglass C. North and Roger LeRoy Miller, The Economics of Public Issues (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), p. 72.

9 See for example the works of Meyer and Kain cited above, as well as Meyer, Kain, and Wohl, The Urban Transportation Problem (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965).

10 See T. S. Ashton, An Economic History of England: the 18th Century (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1955), pp. 78?90. See the same source, pp. 72?90, for the mighty network of private canals built throughout England during the same period.

11 See George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815?1860 (New York: Rinehart & Co., 1951), pp. 22?28. Also see W. C. Wooldridge, Uncle Sam the Monopoly Man, pp. 128?36.

1 See Wooldridge, op. cit., pp. 111ff.

2 Cf. Gustave de Molinari, The Production of Security (New York: Center for Libertarian Studies, 1977).

3 Wooldridge, op. cit., p. 96. Also see pp. 94?110.

4 Bruno Leoni, Freedom and the Law (Los Angeles: Nash Publishing Co., 1972), p. 87.

5 Ibid., pp. 23?24.

6 Ibid., p. 188.

7 Ibid., pp. 84?85.

8 Ibid., p. 183.

9 Quoted in the best introduction to ancient, anarchistic Irish institutions, Joseph R. Pedea, "Property Rights in Celtic Irish Law," Journal of Libertarian Studies I (Spring 1977), p. 83; see also pp. 81?95. For a summary, see Peden, "Stateless Societies: Ancient Ireland," The Libertarian Forum (April 1971), pp. 3?4.

10 Peden, "Stateless Societies," p. 4.

11 Ibid.

12 Professor Charles Donahue of Fordham University has maintained that the secular part of ancient Irish law was not simply haphazard tradition; that it was consciously rooted in the Stoic conception of natural law, discoverable by man's reason. Charles Dona­hue, "Early Celtic Laws" (unpublished paper, delivered at the Columbia University Semi­nar in the History of Legal and Political Thought, Autumn, 1964), pp. 13ff.

13 Peden, "Stateless Societies," p. 4.

14 Peden, "Stateless Societies," p. 3; also see Kathleen Hughes, introduction to A. Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A History of Medieval Ireland (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1968).

1 Ironically, the conservative economist Dr. George Terborgh, who had written the major refutation of the stagnation thesis a generation earlier (The Bogey of Economic Maturity [1945]), now wrote the leading refutation of the new wave, The Automation Hysteria (1966).

2 Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper & Bros., 1942), p. 144.

3 Cf. the interpretation in William Tucker, "Environmentalism and the Leisure Class," Harper's (December 1977), pp. 49?56, 73?80.

Fortunately, black groups are beginning to understand the significance of liberal anti-growth ideology. In January 1978, the board of directors of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People opposed President Carter's energy program and called for the deregulation of oil and natural gas prices. Explaining the NAACP's new position, chairman of the board Margaret Bush Wilson declared:

"We are concerned about the slow growth policy of President Carter's energy plan. The issue is what kind of energy policy will lend itself to? a viable expansive economy, one that is not restrictive, because under slow growth blacks suffer more than anyone else."

Paul Delaney, "NAACP in Major Dispute on Energy View," New York Times (January 30, 1978).

4 D. Meadows, et al., The Limits to Growth (New York: Universe Books, 1972); P. Passell, M. Roberts, and L. Ross, "Review of The Limits to Growth," New York Times Book Review (April 2,1972), p. 10.

5 Passell, Roberts, and Ross, op. cit., p. 12.

6 Passell, Roberts, and Ross, op. cit., p. 12.

7 On these mistaken forecasts, see Thomas B. Nolan, "The Inexhaustible Resource of Technology," in H. Jarrett, ed., Perspectives on Conservation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1958), pp. 49?66.

8 On timber, and on conservation generally, see Anthony Scott, Natural Resources: The Economics of Conservation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955), pp. 121?25 and passim.

On ways in which the federal government itself has been destroying rather than conserv­ing timber resources, from highway building to the indiscriminate dams and other projects of the Army Corps of Engineers, see Edwin G. Dolan, TANSTAAFL (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1971), p. 96.

9 See Robert Poole, Jr., "Reason and Ecology," in D. James, ed., Outside, Looking In (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), pp. 250?51.

10 Samuel P. Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959), pp. 50?51. See also E. Louise Peffer, The Closing of the Public Domain (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1951), pp. 22?31, and passim.

11 Douglass C. North and Roger LeRoy Miller, The Economics of Public Issues (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), p. 107.

12 Ibid., p. 108. Also see James A. Crutchfield and Giulio Pontecorvo, The Pacific Salmon Fisheries: A Study of Irrational Conservation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1969). On a similar situation in the tuna industry, see Francis T. Christy, Jr., "New Dimensions for Transnational Marine Resources," American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings (May 1970), p. 112; and on the Pacific halibut industry, see James A. Crutchfield and Arnold Zellner, Economic Aspects of the Pacific Halibut Industry (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of the Interior, 1961). For an imaginative proposal for private property its parts of the ocean even before the advent of electronic fencing, see Gordon Tullock, The Fisheries?Some Radical Proposals (Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Bureau of Business and Economic Research, 1962).

13 Christy, loc. cit., p. 112.

14 Ibid., pp. 112?113. For a definitive discussion, economic, technological, and legal, of the entire problem of the ocean and ocean fisheries, see Francis I. Christy, Jr., and Anthony Scott, The Common Wealth in Ocean Fisheries (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965).

15 "Existing "appropriation" law in the Western states already provides the basis for full "homesteading" private property rights in the rivers. For a full discussion, see Jack Hirshleifer, James C. DeHaven, and Jerome W. Milliman, Water Supply; Economics, Technol­ogy, and Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), Chapter IX.

16 Edwin G. Dolan, "Capitalism and the Environment," Individualist (March 1971), p. 3.

17 See E. F. Roberts, "Plead the Ninth Amendment!" Natural history (August?September 1970), pp. 18ff. For a definitive history and analysis of the change in the legal system toward growth and property rights in the first half of the nineteenth century, see Morton J. Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law, 1780?1860 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977).

18 Quoted in Milton Katz, The Function of Tort Liability in Technology Assessment (Cambridge: Harvard University Program on Technology and Society, 1969), p. 610.

19 Frank Bubb, "The Cure for Air Pollution," The Libertarian Forum (April 15, 1970), p. 1. Also see Dolan, TANSTAAFL, pp. 37?39.

20 See Jane Jacobs, The Economy of Cities (New York: Random House, 1969), pp. 109ff.

21 Poole, op. cit., pp. 251?52.

22 Poole, op. cit., p. 245.

23 Thus, see Dolan, TANSTAAFL, p. 39, and Katz, passim.

24 Poole, op. cit., pp. 252?53. Friedman's dictum can be found in Peter Maiken, "Hysterics Won't Clean Up Pollution," Human Events (April 25, 1970), pp. 13, 21?23. A fuller presentation of the Friedmanite position may be found in Thomas D. Crocker and A. J. Rogers III, Environmental Economics (Hinsdale, Ill.: Dryden Press, 1971); and similar views may be found in J. H. Dales, Pollution, Property, and Prices (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968), and Larry E. Ruff, "The Economic Common Sense of Pollution," Public Interest (Spring, 1970), pp. 69?85.

25 Glenn Garvin, "Killing Fire Ants With Carcinogens," Inquiry (February 6,1978), pp. 7?8.

1 See William H. Dawson, Richard Cobden and Foreign Policy (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1926).

2 F. J. P. Veale, Advance to Barbarism (Appleton, Wisc.: C. C. Nelson Publishing Co., 1953), p. 58.

3 Leonard P. Liggio, Why the Futile Crusade? (New York: Center for Libertarian Studies, 1978), p. 3.

4 For "New Left" revisionists, see, in addition to Williams himself, the work of Gabriel Kolko Lloyd Gardner, Stephen E. Ambrose, N. Gordon Levin, Jr., Walter LaFeber, Robert F. Smith, Barton Bernstein, and Ronald Radosh. Coming to similar conclusions from far different revisionist traditions were Charles A. Beard and Harry Elmer Barnes, the libertarian James J. Martin, and classical liberals John T. Flynn and Garet Garrett.

Ronald Radosh, in his Prophets on the Right: Profiles of Conservative Critics of American Globalism (New York: Simon & Schuster 1975) has appreciatively portrayed the conserva­tive isolationist opposition to American intervention in World war II. In numerous articles and in his Not to the Swift: The Old Isolationists in the Cold War Era (Lewisburg, Pa.: Bucknell University Press, 1978), Justus D. Doenecke has carefully and sympathetically analyzed the sentiment of World War II isolationists in confronting the early Cold War. A call for a common anti-interventionist and anti-imperialist movement by Left and Right can be found in Carl Oglesby and Richard Shaull, Containment and Change (New York: Macmil­lan, 1967). For an annotated bibliography of the writings of isolationists, see Doenecke, The Literature of Isolationism (Colorado Springs, Colo.: Ralph Myles, 1972).

5 George Morgenstern, "The Past Marches On," Human Events (April 22, 1953). The revi­sionist work on Pearl Harbor was Morgenstern, Pearl Harbor: Story of a Secret War (New York: Devin-Adair 1947). For more on the conservative isolationists and their critique of the Cold War, see Murray N. Rothbard, "The Foreign Policy of the Old Right," Journal of Libertarian Studies (Winter 1978).

6 Joseph P. Kennedy, "Present Policy is Politically and Morally Bankrupt," Vital Speeches (January 1,1951), pp. 170?73.

7 Garet Garrett, The People's Pottage (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1953), pp. 158?59, 129?174.  For more expressions of conservative or classical liberal anti-imperialist critiques of the Cold War, see Doenecke, Not to the Swift, p. 79.

8 For more on a libertarian theory of foreign policy, see Murray N. Rothbard, "War, Peace and the State," in Egalitarianism As A Revolt Against Nature and other Essays (Washington, D.C.: Libertarian Review Press, 1974) pp. 70?80.

9 ­Numerous revisionist historians have recently developed this interpretation of twenti­eth-century American history. In particular, see the works of, among others, Gabriel Kolko, James Weinstein, Robert Wiebe, Robert D. Cuff, William E. Leuchtenburg, Ellis D. Hawley, Melvin I. Urofsky, Joan Hoff Wilson, Ronald Radosh, Jerry Israel, David Eakins, and Paul Conkin?again, as in foreign policy revisionism, under the inspiration of William Appleman Williams. A series of essays using this approach may be found in Ronald Radosh and Murray N. Rothbard, eds., A New History of Leviathan (New York: Dutton, 1972).

10 On the economic distortions imposed by the military-industrial policies, see Seymour Melman, ed. The War Economy of the United States (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1971).

11 John T. Flynn, As We Go Marching (New York: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1944), pp. 193?94.

12 Ibid., pp. 198, 201, 207.

13 Ibid., pp. 212?13, 225?26.

14 John Dos Passos, The Grand Design (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1949), pp. 416?418.

15 For an illuminating view of the Russo-Finnish conflict, see Max Jakobson, The Diplo­macy of the Winter War (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961).

16 Stephen F. Cohen, "Why Detente Can Work," Inquiry (December 19, 1977), pp. 14?15.

17 Quoted in Richard J. Barnet, "The Present Danger: American Security and the U.S.-Soviet Military Balance," Libertarian Review (November 1977), p. 12.

18 See Neville Maxwell, India's China War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970). Neither is China's reconquest and suppression of national rebellion in Tibet a valid point against our thesis. For Chiang Kai-shek as well as all other Chinese have for many generations considered Tibet as part of Greater China, and China was here acting in the same conserva­tive nation-state manner as we have seen guiding the Soviets.

19 For a critique of recent attempts by cold warriors to revive the bogey of a Soviet military threat, see Barnet, The Present Danger.

20 The Woman's Home Companion (September 1936), p. 4. Reprinted in Mauritz A. Hallgren, The Tragic Fallacy (New York: Knopf, 1937), p. 194n.

21 On the details of the shameful Western record in these negotiations, and as a corrective to the portrayals in the American press, see Philip Noel-Baker, The Arms Race (New York: Oceana Publications, 1958).

22 Ronald Hamowy and William F. Buckley, Jr. "National Review: Criticism and Reply," New Individualist Review (November 1961), pp. 9,11.

1 F. A. Hayek, "The Intellectuals and Socialism," in Studies in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 194.

2 Leonard E. Read, I'd Push the Button (New York: Joseph D. McGuire, 1946), p. 3.

3 Quoted in William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease, eds., The Antislavery Argument (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1965), p. xxxv.

4 Thus, Fritz Redlich writes, "? often the soil [for the triumph of an idea] must have been prepared by events. One can remember how difficult it was to disseminate the idea of an American central bank prior to the crisis of 1907 and how relatively easy it was thereafter." Fritz Redlich, "Ideas: Their Migration in Space and Transmittal Over Time," Kyklos (1953), p. 306.

5 Lawrence Stone, The Causes of the English Revolution, 1529?1642 (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), p. 9. Similar is Lenin's analysis of the features of a "revolutionary situation":

"?when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the 'upper classes,' a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for 'the lower classes not to want' to live in the old way; it is also necessary that 'the upper classes should be unable' to live in the old way?" V. I. Lenin, "The Collapse of the Second International" (June 1915), in Collected Works, vol. 21 (Moscow: Prog­ress Publishers, 1964), pp. 213?214.

6 For a more extended historical analysis, see Murray N. Rothbard, "Left and Right: The Prospects for Liberty,' in Egalitarianism as a Revolt Against Nature, and Other Essays (Washington, D.C.: Libertarian Review Press, 1974), pp. 14?33.

7 The Baron Report (February 3,1978), p. 2.