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Taking Back the Language

April 1, 2000

[This is the second of a regular column by Walter Block, senior scholar of the Mises Institute, professor of economics at the University of Central Arkansas, and author of Defending the Undefendable, a brilliant application of economic logic to everyday problems and political issues. You can read Professor Block's vita here]

In my last column, I claimed that language was important in the
ideological battle for the free society. If we allow our "friends" on the statist
left to seize the linguistic high ground, we make the battle more difficult
for ourselves. We must use words which help us make the case for
laissez faire capitalism, not those insisted upon by the other side. Let us
now continue this process of "deconstructing" language to these ends
with some more examples.

Filthy Rich

This phrase is uttered with an attitude of disgust. The implication is
that wealth is always attained illegitimately.

This of course is sometimes
true, but certainly not always. That is, there are indeed illicit methods of
attaining riches, such as through theft, or Murder Inc., or fraud, or in a
myriad of other ways which violate the libertarian axiom of non
aggression against non aggressors, and upon the rights to person and
property upon which it is based.

But the usual targets of this loathsome epithet are not crooks or
killers; nor are the overwhelming majority of wealthy people thieves.

Rather, the targets are businessmen who have earned vast wealth by
enriching the lives of their customers. The presumption, then, is that if a
person is well to do, he came by his possessions honestly. Instead of
denigrating the rich we ought to hold ticker tape parades in their honor.

And we ought to consider using the counterpart phrase "filthy
poor," not to depict those who through no fault of their own are
impoverished, but rather those, the "undeserving poor" of an earlier
era, who are able bodied, but do little to help themselves, and everything
they can to pull the rest of us down to their level.


Properly used, this term applies to those who have been given
special advantages denied to the ordinary person. In olden days, this
word would be used, for example, to describe to a guild member who
could engage in commerce prohibited to those who were not so

Nowadays, "privileged" would well apply to the beneficiaries of
government imposed affirmative action; these people are given
contracts, jobs, admission to university, etc., denied to others with
identical and even superior qualifications, but with the wrong skin color,
gender or sexual proclivities.

But this is not at all the way the word is used in the modern
benighted epoch by our leftish pundits, teachers, clergy, and
editorialists. Instead, this word is employed to the children of the rich.

"This child comes from a wealthy family in Scarsdale," it is said. "He is

But this is nonsense on stilts. As long as the parents of the
Scarsdale child earned their money honestly, their children were given no
unfair advantage. Using "privileged" to refer only to the children of the
affluent is just another way of asserting that wealth is per se exploitative.

This, however, is Marxist claptrap, and ought to be dismissed out of
hand. We might as well denigrate as "privileged" all children of loving
parents, because these kids have a benefit not enjoyed by the victims of
child abuse.

Unearned Income

According to the arbiters of language down at the friendly revenue
office, earned income stems from labor. In very sharp contrast,
"unearned income" is generated from profits, investment, interest, etc.

This is, presumably, because work by the sweat of the brow is noble,
uplifting and in the public good, while risking one's capital in order to
earn a profit by benefitting consumers is the very opposite.

Since when have the Marxists taken over the IRS? If the USSR could
rid itself of its Marxists, can we not do the same for our very own made-
in-the-good-old-US-of-A Infernal Revenue Service?


Recently, the flagship publication of the Foundation for Economic
Education changed its name from "Freeman" to "Ideas on Liberty." This
was reportedly done to distinguish this magazine from a militia organization, which called themselves "The Freemen" and ran afoul of federal law. (For the full story on this group, see Who Are The Freemen?).

But the FEE's Freeman had been publishing for decades. It had long
been an honorable periodical, but in this decision it has illustrated
exactly what should not be done in the battle of ideas. Surely a better
course of action would have been to sue for name infringement.

We must protect our own banners, emblems and heritage, not give
them up at the first sign of difficulty. Shall we one day, at this rate,
eschew "liberty," "property," "free enterprise," "libertarianism"? We
will, if this sort of abnegation becomes a precedent.


There are ultra conservatives, but, amazingly, there are no ultra
liberals. Where have all the ultra liberals gone? (To be sung to the tune
of the popular anti war song.)

"Ultra" refers to a person with whose ideas the speaker disagrees.
That is why Mother Teresa was not ultra generous, but anyone to the
right of George Bush becomes an ultra conservative. It is time, it is long
past time, to begin a search for ultra liberals under each bed; or, better, to
leave off this name calling of ultra, which applies only to one side of the


It is much the same with the suffix "eer." There are "profiteers,"
because profits are undoubtedly evil and obnoxious. Ask Fidel, he'll tell
you. But there is no such thing as a "wageer," even though the salaries
of some of our leading athletes and actors have catapulted upward of
late. This is because workers are always downtrodden, never greedy, at
least according to the fourth estate.

* * * * *
A Defense of Book Burning

In a recent column "The Comstocks Try for a Comeback on Long
, Gregory Bresiger took issue with a group of Irishmen who had
planned to burn 700 copies of the book "Angela's Ashes" by Frank
McCourt. This is a story of the author's childhood, which does not
place Irish culture in a good light.

Bresiger has pulled out all the stops in his opposition. He quotes
from Ray Bradbury's novel Fahrenheit 451, and even resorts to a quote
from Malachy McCourt, McCourt's brother, concerning this practice in
Hitler's Germany. He implies that book burning is but the first step on a
path which leads to people burning, intolerance and the "crushing of

One argument against book burning is that of unintended
consequences: those who engage in these acts sometimes only succeed
in more heavily popularizing the object of their scorn and hatred. But
this hardly justifies called them "hyenas" or "blundering clowns."

Nor is
there any justification for calling out the big guns of tolerance, Erasmus,
Spinoza, John Stuart Mill and John Milton. For the key, here, ignored by
Bresiger, is the distinction between public and private book burning.

With regard to the former, I am in total and enthusiastic support of
Bresiger. The government simply has no business burning books, or
doing much of anything, for that matter.

However, private book burning,
of the sort engaged in by the Irish opponents of Frank McCourt's
"Angela's Ashes" is entirely a different matter.
Burning one's own books is part and parcel of private property
rights. In opposing private book burning, leaping calumny on the heads
of those who engage in this activity, Bresiger is treading on the edge of
private property rights violations.

If I own a book, I have a right to burn
it. Period. While Bresiger never comes out and states that book burning
ought to be illegal, this is strongly suggested by his linkage of this
practice to Hitler, hyenas, and people burning.

I wonder what is his view of flag burning? Here, as in book burning,
the libertarian position ought to be clear: people have a right to burn or
otherwise destroy any of their own private property. Any law
prohibiting from doing just that is an illicit one.


Walter Block is professor of economics at the University of Central Arkansas. Send him mail.

Note: The views expressed on Mises.org are not necessarily those of the Mises Institute.

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