The Libertarian, Preview Issue, March 1, 1969
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A Semi-Monthly Newsletter
| Joseph R. Peden, Publisher |
Washington Editor, Karl Hess |
Murray N. Rothbard, Editor |
| PREVIEW ISSUE |
MARCH 1, 1969 |
35¢ |
The libertarian movement is growing at a remarkable pace
throughout the country. Yet the organizational forms, the
means of communication, among libertarians are not only
miniscule, but actually suffered a considerable blow during
1968. Last year saw the collapse of the Freedom School-Ramparts
College of Palmer Lake, Colorado, with its
attendant Ramparts Journal, Pine Tree Press, and Pine
Tree Features. New Individualist Review, the theoretical
quarterly published by graduate students at the University
of Chicago, is all but defunct, and had been moribund for a
long time. The need is acute for far more cohesion and
inter-communication in the libertarian movement; in fact,
it must become a movement and cease being merely an
inchoate collection of diffuse and haphazard personal
contacts.
The launching of The Libertarian, a twice-monthly newsletter,
was announced at the first meeting of The Libertarian
Forum, founded by Gerald Woloz and Joseph Peden
in New York City for periodic dinners, lectures and discussions
among libertarians. The fact that over sixty
persons attended this initial dinner-meeting, some coming
from as far away as Buffalo, Delaware, and South Carolina
for the affair, demonstrates both the rapid growth of the
movement and the widespread eagerness for increased
activity and organization.
We believe that one of the greatest needs of the movement
at this time is for a frequently appearing magazine that
could act as a nucleus and communications center for
libertarians across the country. We also believe that while
many libertarians have thought long and hard about their
ideal system, few of them have been able to rise above the
merely sectarian exposition of the pure system to engage in
a critique of the present state of affairs armed with the
libertarian world-view. This kind of critique is not merely
"negative", as many libertarian sectarians believe. For it is
the kind of work that is indispensable if we are ever to
achieve victory, if we are ever to get our ideal system off
the drawing board and applied to the real world. In order
to change the present system we must be able to analyze
and explore it, and to see in the concrete how our libertarian
view can be applied to such an analysis and to the
prospects for social change.
One would think that such a need would be obvious. No
movement that has been successful has ever been without
organs carrying out this kind of analysis and critique.
The key word here is "successful"; for a magazine like
The Libertarian is desperately needed only if we wish to
unite theory and action, if we wish not only to elaborate
an ideal system but to see how the current system may be
transformed into the ideal. In short, it is needed only if our
aim is victory; those who conceive of liberty as only an
intellectual parlor game, or as a method for generating
investment tips, will, alas, find little here to interest them.
But let us hope that The Libertarian will be able to play a
part in inspiring a truly dedicated movement on behalf
of liberty.
The Nixon Administration: Creeping Cornuellism |
Changeovers in Administration are always a disheartening
time for any thoughtful observer of the political scene. The
volume of treacle and pap rises to the heavens, as the wit
and wisdom and the high statesmanship of both the outgoing
and incoming rascals are trumpeted across the land. But
this year things are even worse than ever. First we had to
suffer the apotheosis of Lyndon Baines Johnson, before last
November the most universally reviled President of modern
times; but after November, suddenly lovable and wise. And
now Richard Nixon has had his sharp edges dissolved and
his whole Person made diffuse and mellow; he too has
become uniquely lovable to all. How much longer must we
suffer this tripe? It is bad enough that we have to live under
a despotic government; must we also have our intelligence
systematically defiled? Already, Ted Lewis of the New York
Daily News, a dedicated Nixonian, tells us gleefully that the
new charm and grace and folksy friendliness of Dick and his
aides are so pronounced that maybe this time the Presidential
"honeymoon" will last the full four years.
Amidst the cloud of goo surrounding the new Administration,
it has been difficult for anyone to penetrate the fog and
figure out what the new President is all about. Of the
thousands of top jobs at the immediate disposal of the new
Administration, only 90 have been filled. We have been
getting inured to both parties and both sets of rulers having
the same policies; but now it looks as if the very same
people continue in power, regardless of who happens to be
chosen by the public. How much clearer can it be that the
much vaunted free elections in the United States are a
sham and a fraud, designed to lull the public into believing
that their votes really count? It had long become physically
impossible for any of us to cast a vote against such ageless
and lifetime oligarchs as J. Edgar Hoover; now the same
(Continued on page 2)
| 2 |
The Libertarian, March 1, 1969 |
(Continued from page 1)
applies to almost everyone in government. In the few
cases where the same people do not remain, there is a
game of musical chairs with a few people shuffling in and
out of the usual Establishment institutions: General Dynamics,
Cal Tech, Litton Industries, the Chase Bank, etc.
Certainly nothing startling can be expected on Vietnam,
where Ellsworth Bunker remains as Ambassador, William
Bundy, a longtime hawk, remains in the State Department
post on Southeast Asia, and Henry Sabotage returns to head
the negotiations in Paris.
Add to all this the fact that the Nixon Administration has
been remarkably quiet and torpid — to the hosannahs of
the press who proclaim that a return to Babbitt is just
what the country needs — and one begins to wonder if there
will be any change at all. To the cognoscenti, a little-heralded
article in the Washington Post (Jan. 26) makes
clear that a new note will indeed be added. It is a note that
will mark the peculiar essence of the Nixon content and
style; we might call it "Creeping Cornuellism".
The rise to fame and fortune of Richard C. Cornuelle is
a peculiarly 20th-century variant of the Alger success
story. Twenty years ago, Dick, a bright young libertarian,
was a student of the eminent laissez-faire economist
Ludwig von Mises at New York University; and with a few
other libertarians of that era he soon saw that the consistent
libertarian and laissez-faire position is really "right-wing
anarchism".
As the years went on, Dick decided to abandon the world
of scholarship for direct action, which he originally saw as
bringing us closer to anarchism in practical, realistic
terms. On reading De Tocqueville, he claims to have been
the first person in over a century to realize that there
exists, in addition to government and private business, a
third set of institutions — non-profit organizations. Anyone
who had ever heard of a church bazaar also realized this,
but Dick brushed such considerations aside; he had found
his gimmick, his shtick. He dubbed these non-profit institutions
the "independent sector", and he was off to the races.
After several years of promoting such startlingly new
activities as private welfare to the aged, and loans to
college students, Dick found a disciple: T. George Harris,
an editor of Look. Taking advantage of the Goldwater
debacle, Harris published an article in Look at the year's
end of 1964, hailing Dick Cornuelle as the New Messiah, of
the Republican party and of the nation, and heralding as the
new Gospel a book which Cornuelle was working on — with
the substantial assistance of Harris himself. On the strength
of the article, Dick's book was published by Random House,
he became Executive Vice-President of the National Association
of Manufacturers, and revered advisor to Nixon, Romney,
and Reagan, thus pulling off one of the neatest tricks of the
decade.
Cornuelle's stress was on the glory of private charitable
institutions, and on the importance of businessmen contributing
to more private welfare programs. In another worshipful
article following up the Look piece, the San Francisco
Examiner (March 28, 1965) asked Dick the $64 question:
In essence, if the voluntary welfare sector is so great, where
do you fit in? In short, what's your program? Here entered
the virus of Cornuellism. For it seems that, as superb as
it is, the "Independent Sector didn't keep pace while the rest
of the country was developing." The Independent Sector, it
seems, has "never learned to organize human activity
efficiently." The Examiner adds: To show the Independents
how, Cornuelle thinks it may be necessary to add another
department to the Federal government, of all things ... It
would be an agency that would find out what public problems
are coming up and decide how to meet them effectively."
Proclaiming enthusiastic support from all wings of the
Republican Party, as well as — big surprise! — a "number
of liberal Democrats", Cornuelle wistfully admitted that the
one exception to the Cornuelle bandwagon was Governor
Rockefeller, because "He's committed to state action as
opposed to Federal action." So much for right-wing anarchism!
There is no need to keep belaboring the Cornuelle Saga. After
all we are not so much interested in the triumph of one
man's career over "dogmatism" as we are in what this portends
for the Nixon Administration. For here is what the
Washington Post now reports: a "central theme" of the new
Administration will be a nationwide drive to stimulate "voluntary
action" against social ills. It adds that Secretary
George Romney is "in charge of planning the voluntary action
effort." This concept needs to be savored: government, the
quintessence of coercion, is going to plan a nationwide
"voluntary" effort. George Orwell, where art thou now?
War is Peace, Freedom is Slavery, Voluntary Action is
Government Planning.
The Post goes on to say that Romney, Secretary Finch,
and the President "are devotees of the idea that vast and
untapped energies of volunteers in an 'independent sector'
can transform the Nation." Nixon endorsed the idea in
1965, and recently declared that "the President should be
the chief patron of citizen efforts." And it turns out that
last year, Secretary Finch was co-author of a book on the
independent sector, with — you guessed it — Richard C. Cornuelle,
the "godfather of independent action" and head of the
Nixon task-force on independent voluntary action. Two
major programs are emerging: a mixed public-private
organization chartered by the Federal government to stimulate
voluntary action drives, and a series of Presidental
awards, like the World War II Navy "E" for Efficiency,
to be bestowed by the President in person for outstanding
voluntary efforts.
Oh right-wing anarchy, where art thou now? So now we
are to have "voluntary" actors bedecked with honors by
their Chief, the nation's top coercive actor; and we will
have Dick's long-standing dream of a Federal agency to
stimulate and coordinate these efforts. The Libertarian,
for one, would not bet a substantial sum against the prospect
of our old friend Dick being appointed to head the new
bureau. Who, after all, is better qualified?
But we must not look at this sordid story as merely the
saga of a former anarchist who coined a "new" political
philosophy which might well result in his climbing to a
high post in government. The situation is far more sinister
than that. For this "voluntary" hogwash has a familiar
smell: the smell of the Presidency of Herbert Hoover,
whose political life-style was one of frenetically promoting
"voluntary" programs, with the mailed fist of governmental
coercion always resting inside the velvet glove. Hoover's
pseudo-"voluntary" New Deal was the complete forerunner
of Franklin Roosevelt's candidly coercive New Deal. It has
another smell: the smell of Mussolini's fascism, in which
coercive government multiplied its power by mobilizing the
support of masses of misguided "volunteers" from among
the citizenry. And finally, Nixon-Cornuellism has the smell
of the burgeoning corporate state — the political economy of
fascism — which has increasingly marked the American
system. It is the "enlightened" corporate state where
nothing is any longer distinctively "private" or "public";
everything is cozily mixed, in an ever-intensifying "partnership"
of Big Government and Big Business (with Big
Unionism as the happy junior partner). This is the sort of
polity and economy that we have in the United States, and
Creeping Cornuellism embodies still more of it.
Not only more of it; for Nixon-Cornuellism is, to the
libertarian, a peculiarly repulsive variant of American
corporatism. For it cloaks and camouflages the viper of
statism in the soothing raiment of voluntaristic and pseudo-libertarian
rhetoric. What political style can be more
disgusting than that?
| The Libertarian, March 1, 1969 |
3 |
State Of Palestine Launched |
During February, the state of Palestine is being launched
at Cairo. For the first time in many centuries, Palestine
is being proclaimed as an independent nation, free, at
least in aspiration, from foreign imperial domination. The
delegates are a mixed team of guerrilla fighters from Al
Fatah, the largest of the Palestinian guerrilla organizations,
as well as members of the Popular Liberation Front.
A highly significant preliminary meeting took place in
January in Cairo, at a conference called by the Communist
Party, and shepherded by delegates from the Soviet Union.
The Communist line has been to force the Arabs to accept
the Soviet peace plan and the UN resolution of November,
1967, which is to guarantee the borders of Israel once it
surrenders its gains acquired during the Israel-Arab war
of 1967: In short, to ratify all the previous aggressive
gains of Israel if she withdraws from her latest conquests.
Despite the fact that the conference was loaded in favor of
the Communist line, the conference was swung from
Communist control in favor of a militant position by the
leadership and the oratory of Dr. Nabeel Shaath, 30-year-old
American-educated professor, formerly teaching at
the University of Pennsylvania and now head of the proposed
Palestinian state residing in unoccupied Jordan.
Dr. Shaath, a Christian like most of the Palestinian
delegation to the conference, declared that "We will not
accept any substitute for a war of national liberation. We
will not accept any settlement that denies our rights, be it
the Security Council or any other proposal or political
settlement." Shaath proclaimed the goal of the Palestinians
to be the return of the forcibly exiled Arab refugees to
their homes and properties in Palestine, and declared: "We
are fighting today to create the new Palestine of tomorrow,
a progressive and democratic nonsectarian Palestine in
which Christian, Moslem and Jew worship, live peacefully
and enjoy equal rights."
Previous to this meeting, Al Fatah affirmed its emphasis
on the independence of its "armed Palestine revolution" from
all governments everywhere, obviously implying the reactionary
machinations of the Arab governments of the Middle
East as well as of the long-standing cynical maneuvers
and manipulations by the Soviet Union.
|
"Whenever the ends of government are perverted, and public
liberty manifestly endangered, and all other means of redress
are ineffectual, the people may, and of a right ought
to reform the old, or establish a new government; the doctrine
of non-resistance against arbitrary power and oppression
is absurd, slavish and destructive of the good and
happiness of mankind."
—Declaration of Rights of Maryland, 1867
|
"Private" Enterprise At Work |
The way "private" enterprise works in our era of the
neo-fascist corporate state is well shown in an article in
the Wall St. Journal (Feb. 5) on the National Corporation
for Housing Partnerships. The NCHP, created by President
Johnson, but supposedly run along the Nixonian lines of
revving up the "engine of private enterprise", wants to
raise $50 million from private industry to invest in low-rent
housing projects which would eventually mount up to
$2 billion of capital.
Praiseworthy? But wait. In order for the corporation to
get started, there must be a substantial flow of Federal
funds to subsidize rentals in the new projects. The NCHP
wants $150 million from the Federal government for this
year and next before it sets up business as a corporation.
With this huge subsidy, "private enterprise" in the form of
the NCHP would be willing to build 10,000 low-rent units in
the first year, and hopefully move up to 60,000 units annually.
A particularly desired form of federal subsidy would be to
pay a subsidy that would keep mortgage interest costs down
to a near-zero sum of l% per year. With this kind of subsidy,
a whole roster of the nation's largest corporations stand
eager to do their great humanitarian work. This includes
Kaiser Industries Corp, whose head, Edgar Kaiser, is the
president of the NCHP, Westinghouse, Metropolitan Life,
Deere and Co., and Ling-Temco-Vought. Many of the biggest
banks, such as Chase Manhattan, First National City, Bank
of America, Mellon National, would be willing to lend the
corporation money to launch its operations. Also, not
surprisingly, a host of local realty firms would be happy to
join in the bonanza.
The big attraction, apart from humanitarianism, is a huge,
guaranteed profit, or, as the Journal puts it, "a guaranteed,
Government-supported market to attract profit-motivated
private industry and investors." The estimated annual rate
of profit for these investors would begin at over 24% and
end at 17%. Pretty good returns for "helping the poor"!
In the January 1969 issue of The Center Magazine
Gerald Gottlieb, a consultant to the Center For Democratic
Institutions in Santa Barbara, Calif., has made a proposal
of great interest to libertarians. Reviewing the failure of
the World Court and other international judicial bodies
to preserve the peace and ensure justice to individuals,
he proposes the creation by private citizens of a universal
court of man "independent of nations and able to render
judgment upon those who misuse sovereign power". Its
jurisdiction: crimes against human rights and peace; its
legitimacy: arising from the sovereign rights of the people
retained by them and not granted to governments. How
would such a body enforce its jurisdiction and decisions
against sovereign states? By arousing world public opinion
through any and all media, through appeals from professional
and business associations, churches, social institutions,
etc. Recalcitrant States would be faced with boycott
and public degradation by an aroused world public. While
Gottlieb eventually would depend upon the coercive influence
of other states, this is not crucial to his argument. The
recent success of the Bertrand Russell War Crimes
Tribunal in arousing European sentiment against American
actions in Vietnam, and the propaganda success of the
American Commission of Inquiry on Conditions in Ireland
in 1920-22 in forcing the British government to moderate
its policy in the Irish rebellion, suggests that privately-constituted
international courts may serve to mitigate the
criminality of sovereign states, or at least focus world
attention on their grosser violations of human liberties.
Perhaps libertarian foundations and scholars could sponsor
further study of this proposal — so libertarian in principle
and so feasible in practice.
J. R. P.
| 4 |
The Libertarian, March 1, 1969 |
Sitting On Sidewalk Outlawed |
The city of San Francisco has adopted a law giving the
police the right to arrest anyone found sitting, lying, or
sleeping on the sidewalk. The criminal sitter is subject to
punishment of six months in jail and a $500 fine. The law,
passed to the great glee of the citizens of the town, is
commonly known as the "anti-hippie" law, and everyone is
looking forward with enthusiasm to cracking down on hippies
who are notorious users of the streets.
While we hold no particular brief for hippies, we must
note one more step on the road to a totalitarian America.
So now we can't sit on the street! The police are assuring
everyone that the law will be used reasonably, and only
against large groups of sitters who obstruct the sidewalks.
But liberty requires not that despotic laws be passed and
then only moderately enforced, but that the law not be
passed at all.
This new incident points up a vital problem in political
philosophy: who gets to own and therefore to control the
streets. For so long as the urban governments are allowed
to continue to own the streets, we are at any time liable to
be oppressed by all sorts of regulations and controls made
over those of us who use the streets — which means everyone.
Thus, during the riots of the summer of 1967, all the cities
decreed compulsory curfews for everyone, thus making
criminals out of anyone having the effrontery to walk out of
his home after, say, 10:00 P.M. How much more despotism
over our daily lives is needed before we question whether
we are, indeed, a free country?
The only ultimate solution to this problem is to abolish all
government ownership and control of the streets, and to
turn the nation's streets over to private ownership, which
might assume all sorts of individual, cooperative, or corporate
forms. But until that golden day, we must at least
see to it that government exercise its ownership powers as
little as possible. We must proclaim that the streets belong
not to the government, but to the people, for the people to
use as they see fit. Community no-ownership is far better
than government ownership; for a little obstruction of the
streets is better than frozen tyranny.
In the meanwhile, the citizens of San Francisco can count
their small blessings, for their streets were saved from a
graver fate. One of the eager beavers on the board of
supervisors urged a law prohibiting anyone from "standing
aimlessly" on the pavement. The law failed to pass, not of
course because the supervisors were taken with a sudden
fit of concern for the liberty of the individual who might,
sometime, wish to stroll or even stand, rather than stride
purposefully down the street. No, as so often in the past,
vested self-interest came to the unwitting rescue of liberty.
For the anti-sitting law was passed under pressure of the
local merchants, and the merchants became uneasy at the
thought of throngs of aimlessly strolling tourists, with
money in their pockets, getting hauled off unceremoniously
in the paddy wagon. Like politics, liberty sometimes makes
strange bedfellows.
|
Irving Louis Horowitz, "Young Radicals and Professorial
Critics", Commonweal (January 31, 1969). A thoughtful
defense of young student radicals and a critique of
their conservative Social Democratic opposition among
the faculty.
Paul M. Sweezy, "Thoughts on the American System",
Monthly Review (February, 1969). Keen insight into
the nature of the American system by one of America's
most intelligent Marxists. Sweezy sees the
Nixon appointments as demonstrating an interchangeable
ruling class shuttling back and forth between
industry and government, and he also examines the
differences and "contradictions" between national
and local ruling elites. He is also refreshing on the
Left for not dismissing the Vietnam War as already
ended.
TWO NEW LIBERTARIAN PERIODICALS!
Factotum Bulletin, a bulletin for news of the libertarian
movement. Can be obtained from the Center for Libertarian
Studies, 1507 W. Hildebrand, San Antonio,
Texas 78201. Irregularly published, as supplement
to the Center's Libertarian American.
The Libertarian Connection: a unique bi-monthly. For the
subscription price of $2.50, every subscriber has the
right to send in stencils which the editors guarantee
to mimeograph and staple. It is truly the readers'
magazine. Available at 5610 Smiley, Los Angeles,
Calif. 90016.
|
Also — Regular Washington Column By Karl Hess |
HTML formatting and proofreading by Joel Schlosberg.