Interventionism: An Economic Analysis

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I.
INTERFERENCE BY
RESTRICTION
1.
The Nature of Restrictive
Measures
RESTRICTIVE
MEASURES ARE THOSE measures undertaken by the authority which directly
and primarily are
intended to divert production, in the widest meaning of the word,
including
commerce and transportation, from the ways which it would take in the
unhampered economy. Each interference diverts production from the
channels
prescribed by the market. The peculiar characteristic of restrictive
measures
lies in the fact that the diversion of production is a necessary and
not
unintended result of the intervention, and that the diversion of
production is
precisely what the authority seeks to accomplish by its action. Each
intervention has also the necessary effect of diverting consumption
from the ways
which it would choose in the unhampered market economy. The restrictive
measure
is no exception in this respect. But the diversion of consumption is
not the
aim which its originators pursue; they want to influence production.
The fact
that these measures influence consumption as well seems to them a side
effect
which they either do not want at all or which they accept as
unavoidable.
By restrictive measures the
authority forbids the manufacture of certain goods, or it forbids the
application
of certain methods of production, or it makes manufacture by such
methods more
difficult and more expensive. The authority thereby eliminates some of
the
means available for the satisfaction of human wants. The effect of the
intervention
is that men find themselves in a position where they may only use their
knowledge and ability, their efforts and their material resources in a
less
efficient way. Such measures make people poorer.
Despite all attempts to
invalidate this argument, the fact remains indisputable. In the
unhampered
market, forces are at work which tend to put every means of production
to the
use in which it is most beneficial for the satisfaction of human wants.
When
the authority interferes with this process in order to bring about a
different
use of the productive factors it can only impair the supply, it cannot
improve
it.
This has been proved in an
excellent and irrefutable manner for the most important group of
restrictive measures
by the extensive discussion dealing with the economic effects of
barriers to
international trade.
It
appears superfluous to add
anything in this respect to the teachings of the classical school of
political
economy.
2.
Costs and Benefits of
Restrictive Measures
One might be of the opinion
that the disadvantages which restrictive measures cause by diminishing
productivity, and thus impairing supply, are outweighed by advantages
in other
fields. The authority might claim, for instance, that the preservation
of a
group of less efficient producers is so important that the resulting
cut in
consumption appears quite justified. It might consider it justified to
make
bread more expensive for the masses of the people so that owners of
less
fertile farms might earn higher returns. The authority might also
consider it a
postulate of wise statesmanship to prohibit the introduction of certain
machines in order to protect those enterprises which cannot afford such
appliances from the competition of better equipped business units. By
outlawing
department stores, chain stores, and similar forms of trade
organizations, the
authority might make it possible for the small retailers to stay in
competition
even though the interests of consumers suffer.
If such measures are
undertaken in full recognition of their effects, if the authority is
fully aware
of what it is doing and what results it will accomplish, one might
disapprove
of its action only if one does not approve of its aim. But one cannot
regard
the action of the authority as contrary to purpose or senseless. From
the
standpoint of its aims
and purposes, its action
appears correct.
To make the farmers better off, it wants to impose a burden on the
bread
consumers buy; in order to accomplish this purpose it has chosen the
proper
means when it imposes a protective tariff or an import prohibition on
grain and
flour.
We all know that these things
are presented in a different light to the public. It was successfully
attempted
to convince public opinion that the tariff barriers do not reduce
supply, but
rather that they increase supply. The protection of the small craftsman
against
the competition of “big business,” the protection of the small retailer
against
the competition of department and chain stores, were represented as
measures
for the general welfare, and as serving the protection of the consumers
against
exploitation. This was the only way to get favorable consideration for
a
political policy, the very essence of which lies in the granting of
privileges
and advantages to particular groups at the expense of the other groups
of the
community.
3.
The Restrictive Measure as
a Privilege
The policy of restrictive
measures was believed to be a policy favoring producers, while the
policy which
does not want to impair the working of the market process was
considered to be
a policy favoring consumers. The advocates of the former policy justify
it by
pointing out that it was not the task of the authority to pursue a
policy for
the benefit of those who merely consume the products of other people’s
efforts;
rather the authority should serve the man actively engaged in
production. But
in a system which is based on the division of labor, all are both
producers and
consumers. There are no consumers whose income would not flow from
production.
The consumer is either an entrepreneur, an owner of means of
production, or a
worker. Or he is, as a member of a family, being supported by an
entrepreneur,
an owner of means of production, or by a worker. Each producer, on the
other
hand, is necessarily also a consumer. It is naive to claim that a
single
measure or a single policy would protect the interests of producers
against the
interests of consumers. The only statement which can properly be made
is that
almost every restrictive measure
brings advantages to a limited
group of people while it affects adversely
all others, or at least a majority of others. The interventions,
therefore, may
be regarded as privileges, which are granted to some at the expense of
others.
Privileges
benefit the
recipient and impair the position of the other members of the system.
If the
privileges benefit a limited number of persons only, they fulfill their
purpose; they benefit them at the expense of others not so favored. If,
however, all are equally benefited, then the system of privileges
becomes
nonsensical. As long as protective tariffs benefit only some of the
producers
or various groups of producers to a different extent, then some
producers are still
privileged. But if all producers are equally protected, then the policy
becomes
truly self-defeating. Then nobody gains but everybody loses.
4.
Restrictive Measures as
Expenditures
One
might consider some
restrictive measures as justified if one regards them as a part of the
public
spending policy rather than as measures aimed at production and supply.
If for
love of nature or for scientific purposes we want to preserve a piece
of land
in its natural state as a national park and therefore want to keep it
from all
productive purposes, we might expect general approval so long as we
keep this
plan within the limits of the public budget. We might then find it more
appropriate not to place the burden of this expenditure on the owners
of this
land but to distribute it among all citizens by buying the land rather
than
expropriating it. But this is not important for our analysis. Decisive
is the
fact that we consider this proposition from the standpoint of
expenditure, not
of production.
This
is the only correct
viewpoint to assume with regard to restrictive measures. Restrictive
measures,
the only possible effect of which can be the impairment of supply,
should not
be considered as measures of production policy. They work for
consumption but
not production. Restrictive measures can never bring about economic
efficiency,
never a system of production of goods and the improvement of the state
of supply.
One might differ as to the advisability of protecting the Prussian
Junkers by a
tariff on grain imports against the competition of the Canadian farmers
who are
producing on more fertile soil. But if we advocate a tariff to protect
Prussian
grain producers, we are not recommending a measure in favor of the
production
of the supply of grain, but a measure designed to assist the owners of
German
land at the expense of the German grain consumers. It will never be
possible to
base an economic system on such assistance privileges; such measures
can only
be paid as expenditures from means which are otherwise procured. When
Louis XIV
granted a sinecure out of public revenues to one of his favorites, this
act was
spending; it was not economic policy. The fact that restrictive
measures do not
deserve a consideration different from these royal privileges is
obscured by
the technique of their execution. But this does not change their
essential
nature. Whether such an expenditure is justified or not is of no
concern for economic
evaluation; even the kings of the ancien
régime did not
always grant
favors to unworthy men.
There
are undoubtedly cases
in which restrictive measures appear justified to most or all of our
citizens.
But all restrictive measures are fundamentally expenditures. They
diminish the
supply of productive means available for the supply of other goods.
Consequently it would be contrary to logic to represent a market
economy, which
is hampered by such restrictive measures, as a separate system of
social cooperation
in contrast to the unhampered market economy. We have to consider the
restrictive measure as spending policy, not as a means of increasing
the
supplies of productive goods.
Once
we recognize the true
nature of restrictive measures and refuse to be misled by the naive
efforts to
justify them as “promoting welfare” or even “promoting production,” we
discover
that the ends sought by these measures can often be accomplished much
more
cheaply by direct subsidies from public funds. If we do not prevent the
producers from achieving the highest possible yield from the available
productive resources, we will not impair the productivity of the
economy and
we will be in a better position to draw from the increased wealth the
means
necessary for subsidizing those whom we desire to privilege.
The
limitation implied here by the word “almost” should not mean that there
are restrictive
measures which do not disadvantage anyone; it should indicate only that
some
such measures not only do not benefit anyone, but put everybody at a
disadvantage.
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