Principles of Economics
by Carl Menger

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CHAPTER
III. THE THEORY OF VALUE
1.
The Nature and Origin of Value
IF
THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR a good, in a time period over which the provident
activity of men is to extend, are greater than the quantity of it
available to them for that time period, and if they endeavor to satisfy
their needs for it as completely as possible in the given
circumstances, men feel impelled to engage in the activity described
earlier and designated economizing. But
their perception
of this relationship gives rise to another phenomenon, the deeper
understanding of which is of decisive importance for our science. I
refer to the value of goods.
If
the requirements for a good are larger than the quantity of it
available, and some part of the needs involved must remain unsatisfied
in any case, the available quantity of the good can be diminished by no
part of the whole amount, in any way practically
worthy
of notice, without causing some need, previously provided for, to be
satisfied either not at all or only less completely than would
otherwise have been the case. The satisfaction of some one human need
is therefore dependent on the availability of each concrete,
practically significant, quantity of all goods subject to this
quantitative relationship. If economizing men become aware of this
circumstance (that is, if they perceive that the satisfaction of one of
their needs, or the greater or less completeness of its satisfaction,
is dependent on their command of each portion of a quantity of goods or
on each individual good subject to the above quantitative relationship)
these goods attain for them the significance we call value.
Value is thus the importance that individual goods or quantities of
goods attain for us because we are conscious of being dependent on
command of them for the satisfaction of our needs.
The value of goods, accordingly, is a phenomenon that springs from the
same source as the economic character of goods—that is, from the
relationship, explained earlier, between requirements for and available
quantities of goods.
But there is a
difference between the two phenomena. On the one hand, perception of
this quantitative relationship stimulates our
provident activity, thus
causing goods subject to this relationship to become objects of our
economizing (i.e., economic goods). On the other hand, perception of
the same relationship makes us aware of the significance that command
of each concrete unit
of the
available quantities of
these goods has for our lives and well-being, thus causing it to attain
value
for us.
Just as a
penetrating investigation of mental processes makes the cognition of
external things appear to be merely our consciousness of the
impressions made by the external things upon our persons, and thus, in
the final analysis, merely the cognition of states of our own persons,
so too, in the final analysis, is the importance that we attribute to
things of the external world only an outflow of the importance to us of
our continued existence and development (life and well-being). Value is
therefore nothing inherent in goods, no property of them, but merely
the importance that we first attribute to the satisfaction of our
needs, that is, to our lives and well-being, and in consequence carry
over to economic goods as the exclusive causes of the satisfaction of
our needs.
From this, it is also clear why only economic goods have value to us,
while goods subject to the quantitative relationship responsible for
non-economic character cannot attain value at all. The relationship
responsible for the non-economic character of goods consists in
requirements for goods being smaller than their available quantities.
Thus there are always portions of the whole supply of non-economic
goods that are related to no unsatisfied human need, and which can
therefore lose their goods-character without impinging in any way on
the satisfaction of human needs. Hence no satisfaction depends
on our control of any one
of the units of a good having non-economic character, and from this it
follows that definite quantities of goods subject to this quantitative
relationship (non-economic goods) also have no value to us.
If an inhabitant of a virgin forest has several hundred thousand trees
at his disposal while he needs only some twenty a year for the full
provision of his requirements for timber, he will not consider himself
injured in any way, in the satisfaction of his needs, if a forest fire
destroys a thousand or so of the trees, provided he is still in a
position to satisfy his needs as completely as before pith the rest. In
such circumstances, therefore, the satisfaction of none of his needs
depends upon his command of any single tree, and for this reason a tree
also has no value to him.
But suppose there are also in the forest ten wild fruit trees whose
fruit is consumed by the same individual. Suppose too, that the amount
of fruit available to him is not larger than his requirements.
Certainly then, not a single one of these fruit trees can be burned in
the fire without causing him to suffer hunger as a result, or without
at least causing him to be unable to satisfy his need for fruit as
completely as before. For this reason each one of the fruit trees has
value to him.
If the inhabitants of a village need a thousand pails of water daily to
meet their requirements completely, and a brook is at their disposal
with a daily flow of a hundred thousand pails, a concrete portion of
this quantity of water, one pail for instance, will have no value to
them, since they could satisfy their needs for water just as completely
if this partial amount were removed from their command, or if it were
altogether to lose its goods-character. Indeed, they will let many
thousands of pails of this good flow to the sea every day without in
any way impairing satisfaction of their need for water. As long as the
relationship responsible for the non-economic character of water
continues, therefore, the satisfaction of none of their needs will
depend upon their command of any one pail of water in such a way that
the satisfaction of this need would not take place if they were not in
a position to use that particular pail. For this reason a pail of water
has no value to them.
If, on the other hand, the daily flow of the brook were to fall to five
hundred pails daily due to an unusual drought or other act of nature,
and the inhabitants of the village had no other source of supply, the
result would be that the total quantity then available would be
insufficient to satisfy their full needs for water, and they could not
venture to lose any part of that quantity, one pail for instance,
without impairing the satisfaction of their needs. Each concrete
portion of the quantity at their disposal would certainly then have
value to them.
Non-economic goods, therefore, not only do not have exchange value, as
has previously been supposed in the literature of our subject, but no
value at all, and hence no use value. I shall attempt to explain the
relationship between exchange value and use value in greater detail
later, when I have dealt with some of the principles relevant to their
consideration. For the time being, let it be observed that exchange
value and use value are two concepts subordinate to the general concept
of value, and hence coordinate in their relations to each
other. All that I have already said about value in general is
accordingly as valid for use value as it is for exchange value.
If then, a large number of economists attribute use value (though not
exchange value) to non-economic goods, and if some recent English and
French economists even wish to banish the concept use value entirely
from our science and see it replaced with the concept utility,
their desire
rests on a misunderstanding of the important difference between the two
concepts and the actual phenomena underlying them.
Utility is the capacity of a thing to serve for the satisfaction of
human needs, and hence (provided the utility is recognized) it
is a general prerequisite of goods-character. Non-economic goods have
utility as well as economic goods, since they are just as capable of
satisfying our needs. With these goods also, their capacity to satisfy
needs must be recognized
by men, since they could not otherwise
acquire goods-character. But what distinguishes a non-economic good
from a good subject to the quantitative relationship responsible for
economic character is the circumstance that the satisfaction of human
needs does not depend upon the availability of concrete quantities of
the former but does depend upon the availability of concrete quantities
of the latter. For this reason the former possesses utility, but only
the latter, in addition to utility, possesses also that significance
for us that we call value.
Of course the error underlying the confusion of utility and use value
has had no influence on the practical activity of men. At no time has
an economizing individual attributed value under ordinary circumstances
to a cubic foot of air or, in regions abounding in springs, to a pint
of water. The practical man distinguishes very well the capacity of an
object to satisfy one of his needs from its value. But this confusion
has become an enormous obstacle to the development of the more general
theories of our science.
The circumstance that a good has value to us is attributable, as we
have seen, to the fact that command of it has for us the significance
of satisfying a need that would not be provided for if we did not have
command of the good. Our needs, at any rate in part, at least as
concerns their origin, depend upon our wills or on our habits. Once the
needs have come into existence, however, there is no
further
arbitrary element in the value
goods have for us, for their value
is then the necessary consequence of our knowledge of their importance
for our lives or well-being. It would be impossible, therefore, for us
to regard a good as valueless when we know that the satisfaction of one
of our needs depends on having it at our disposal. It would also be
impossible for us to attribute value to goods when we know that we are
not dependent upon them for the satisfaction of our needs. The value of
goods is therefore nothing arbitrary, but always the necessary
consequence of human knowledge that the maintenance of life, of
well-being, or of some ever so insignificant part of them,
depends
upon control of a good or a quantity of goods.
Regarding this knowledge, however,
men can be in error
about the value of goods just as they can be in error with
respect
to all other objects of human knowledge. Hence they may attribute value
to things that do not, according to economic considerations, possess it
in reality, if they mistakenly assume that the more or less complete
satisfaction of their needs depends on a good, or quantity of
goods, when this relationship is really non-existent. In cases of this
sort we observe the phenomenon of imaginary
value.
The value of goods arises from their relationship to our needs, and is
not inherent in the goods themselves. With changes
in this
relationship, value arises and
disappears. For the inhabitants of
an oasis, who have command of a spring that abundantly meets their
requirements for water, a certain quantity of water at the
spring
itself will have no value. But if the spring, as the result of an
earthquake, should suddenly decrease its yield of water to such an
extent that the satisfaction of the needs of the inhabitants of the
oasis would no longer be fully provided for, each of their concrete
needs for water would become dependent upon the availability
of a
definite quantity of it, and such a quantity would immediately attain
value for each inhabitant. This value would, however, suddenly
disappear if the old relationship were reestablished and the spring
regained its former yield of water. A similar result would ensue if the
population of the oasis should increase to such an extent that the
water of the spring would no longer suffice for the
satisfaction
of all needs. Such a change, due to the increase of consumers,
might even take place with a certain regularity at such times as the
oasis was visited by numerous caravans.
Value is thus nothing inherent in goods, no property of them, nor an
independent thing existing by itself. It is a judgment economizing men
make about the importance of the goods at their disposal for the
maintenance of their lives and well-being. Hence value does not exist
outside the consciousness of men. It is, therefore, also quite
erroneous to call a good that has value to economizing individuals a
“value,” or for economists to speak of “values” as of independent real
things, and to objectify value in this way. For the entities that exist
objectively are always only particular things or quantities of
things, and their value is something fundamentally different from the
things themselves; it is a judgment made by economizing individuals
about the importance their command of the things has for the
maintenance of their lives and well-being. Objectification of the value
of goods, which is entirely subjective
in nature, has
nevertheless contributed very greatly to confusion about the basic
principles of our science.
2.
The Original
Measure of Value
In what has preceded, we have directed our attention to the nature and
ultimate causes of value—that is, to the factors common to
value
in all cases. But in actual life, we find that the values of different
goods are very different in magnitude, and that the value of a given
good frequently changes. An investigation of the causes of
differences in the value of goods and an investigation of the measure
of value are the subjects that will occupy us in this section. The
course of our investigation is determined by the following
consideration.
The goods at our disposal have no value to us for their own sakes. On
the contrary, we have seen that only the satisfaction of our needs has
importance to us directly, since our lives and well-being are dependent
on it.
But I have also explained that men attribute
this importance to the goods at their disposal if the goods ensure them
the satisfaction of needs that would not be provided for if they did
not have command of them—that is, they attribute this importance to
economic goods. In the value of goods, therefore, we always encounter
merely the significance we assign to the satisfaction of our needs—that
is, to our lives and well-being. If I have adequately described the
nature of the value of goods, if it has been established that in the
final analysis only the satisfaction of our needs has importance to us,
and if it has been established too that the value of all goods is
merely an imputation of this importance to economic goods, then the differences
we observe in the magnitude of value of different goods in actual life
can only be founded on differences in the magnitude of importance of
the satisfactions that depend on our command of these goods. To reduce
the differences that we observe in the magnitude of value of different
goods in actual life to their ultimate causes, we must therefore
perform a double task. We must investigate: (1) to what extent
different satisfactions have different degrees of importance to us
(subjective factor), and (2) which satisfactions of concrete needs
depend, in each individual case, on our command of a particular good
(objective factor). If this investigation shows that separate
satisfactions of concrete needs have different degrees of importance to
us, and that these satisfactions, of such different degrees of
importance, depend on our command of particular economic goods, we
shall have solved our problem. For we shall have reduced the economic
phenomenon whose explanation we stated to be the central problem of
this investigation to its ultimate causes. I mean differences in the
magnitude of value of goods.
With an answer to the question as to the ultimate causes of differences
in the value of goods, a solution is also provided to the problem of
how it comes about that the value of each of the various goods is
itself subject to change. All change consists of nothing but
differences through time. Hence, with a knowledge of the ultimate
causes of the differences between the members of a set of magnitudes in
general, we also obtain a deeper insight into their changes.
A.
Differences
in the magnitude of importance of different satisfactions (subjective
factor).
As concerns the differences in the importance that different
satisfactions have for us, it is above all a fact of the most common
experience that the satisfactions of greatest importance to men are
usually those on which the maintenance of life depends, and that other
satisfactions are graduated in magnitude of importance according to the
degree (duration and intensity) of pleasure dependent upon them. Thus
if economizing men must choose between the satisfaction of a need on
which the maintenance of their lives depends and another on which
merely a greater or less degree of well-being is dependent, they will
usually prefer the former. Similarly, they will usually prefer
satisfactions on which a higher degree of their well-being depends.
With the same intensity, they will prefer pleasures of longer duration
to pleasures of shorter duration, and with the same duration, pleasures
of greater intensity to pleasures of less intensity.
The maintenance of our lives depends on the satisfaction of our need
for food, and also, in our climate, on clothing our bodies and having
shelter at our disposal. But merely a higher degree of well-being
depends on our having a coach, a chessboard, etc. Thus we observe that
men fear the lack of food, clothing, and shelter much more than the
lack of a coach, a chessboard, etc. They also attribute a substantially
higher importance to securing satisfaction of the former needs than
they attribute to the satisfaction of needs on which, as in the cases
just mentioned, only a passing enjoyment or increased comfort (that is,
merely a higher degree of their well-being) depends. But these
satisfactions also have very different degrees of importance. The
maintenance of life depends neither on having a comfortable bed nor on
having a chessboard, but the use of these goods contributes, and
certainly in very different degrees, to the increase of our well-being.
Hence there can also be no doubt that, when men have a choice between
doing without a comfortable bed or doing without a chessboard, they
will forgo the latter much more readily than the former.
We have thus seen that different satisfactions are very unequal in
importance, since some are satisfactions that have the full importance
to men of maintaining their lives, others are satisfactions that
determine their well-being in a higher degree, still others in a less
degree, and so on down to satisfactions on which some insignificant
passing enjoyment depends. But careful examination of the phenomena of
life shows that these differences in the importance of different
satisfactions can be observed not only with the satisfaction
of
needs of different kinds
but also with the more or less
complete satisfaction of one and
the same need.
The lives of men depend on satisfaction of their need for food in
general. But it would be entirely erroneous to regard all the foods
they consume as being necessary for the maintenance of their lives or
even their health (that is, for their continuing well-being). Everyone
knows how easy it is to skip one of the usual meals without endangering
life or health. Indeed, experience shows that the quantities of food
necessary to maintain life are only a small part of what well-to-do
persons as a rule consume, and that men even take much more food and
drink than is necessary for the full preservation of health. Men
consume food for several reasons: above all, they take food to maintain
life; beyond this, they take further quantities to preserve health,
since a diet sufficient merely to maintain life is too sparing, as
experience shows, to avoid organic disorders; finally, having already
consumed quantities sufficient to maintain life and preserve health,
men further partake of foods simply for the pleasure derived from their
consumption.
The separate concrete acts of satisfying the need for food accordingly
have very different degrees of importance. The satisfaction of every
man’s need for food up to the point where his life is thereby assured
has the full importance of the maintenance of his life. Consumption
exceeding this amount, again up to a certain point, has the importance
of preserving his health (that is, his continuing well-being).
Consumption extending beyond even this point has merely the
importance—as observation shows—of a progressively weaker pleasure,
until it finally reaches a certain limit at which satisfaction of the
need for food is so complete that every further intake of food
contributes neither to the maintenance of life nor to the
preservation of health—nor does it even give pleasure to the consumer,
becoming first a matter of indifference to him, eventually a cause of
pain, a danger to health, and finally a danger to life itself.
Similar observations can be made with respect to the more or less
complete satisfaction of all other human needs. A room, or at least
some place to sleep protected from the weather, is necessary in our
climate for the maintenance of life, and reasonably spacious quarters
for the preservation of health. In addition, however, men usually
possess further accommodations, if they have the means, merely for
purposes of pleasure (drawing rooms, ballrooms, playrooms, pavilions,
hunting lodges, etc.). Thus it is not difficult to recognize that the
separate concrete acts of satisfying the need for shelter have very
different degrees of importance. Up to a certain point, our lives
depend on satisfying our need for shelter. Beyond this, our health
depends on a more complete satisfaction. And still further attempts to
satisfy the same need will bring at first a greater and then a smaller
enjoyment, until eventually a point can be conceived, for each person,
at which the further employment of
available
accommodations would become a matter of complete indifference to him,
and finally even burdensome.
It is possible, therefore, with respect to the more or less complete
satisfaction of one and the same need, to make an observation similar
to the one made earlier with respect to the different needs of men. We
saw earlier that the different needs of men are very unequal in
importance of satisfaction, being graduated from the importance of
their lives down to the importance they attribute to a small passing
enjoyment. We see now, in addition, that the satisfaction of any one
specific need has, up to a certain degree of completeness, relatively
the highest importance, and that further satisfaction has a
progressively smaller importance, until eventually a stage is reached
at which a more complete satisfaction of that particular need is a
matter of indifference. Ultimately a stage occurs at which every act
having the external appearance of a satisfaction of this need not only
has no further importance to the consumer but is rather a burden and a
pain.
In order to restate the preceding argument numerically, to facilitate
comprehension of the subsequent difficult investigation, I shall
designate the importance of satisfactions on which life depends
with 10, and the smaller importance of the other satisfactions
successively with 9, 8, 7, 6, etc. In this way we obtain a scale of the
importance of different
satisfactions that begins with 10 and
ends with 1.
Let us now, for each of these different satisfactions, give numerical
expression to the additional importance, diminishing by degrees from
the figure indicating the extent to which the particular need is
already satisfied, of further acts of satisfaction of that particular
need. For satisfactions on which, up to a certain point, our lives
depend, and on which, beyond this point, a well-being is dependent that
steadily decreases with the degree of completeness of the satisfaction
already achieved, we obtain a scale that begins with 10 and ends with
0. Similarly, for satisfactions whose highest importance is 9, we
obtain a scale that begins with this figure and also ends with 0, and
so on.
The ten scales obtained in this way are given in the following table:

Suppose that the scale in column I expresses the importance to some one
individual of satisfaction of his need for food, this importance
diminishing according to the degree of satisfaction already attained,
and that the scale in column V expresses similarly the importance of
his need for tobacco. It is evident that satisfaction of his need for
food, up to a certain degree of completeness, has a decidedly higher
importance to this individual than satisfaction of his need for
tobacco. But if his need for food is already satisfied up to a certain
degree of completeness (if, for example, a further satisfaction of his
need for food has only the importance to him that we designated
numerically by the figure 6), consumption of tobacco begins to
have the same importance to him as further satisfaction of his need for
food. The individual will therefore endeavor, from this point on, to
bring the satisfaction of his need for tobacco into equilibrium with
satisfaction of his need for food. Although satisfaction of his need
for food in general has a substantially higher importance to the
individual in question than satisfaction of his need for tobacco, with
the progressive satisfaction of the former a stage nevertheless comes
(as is illustrated in the table) at which further acts of satisfaction
of his need for food have a smaller importance to him than the first
acts of satisfying his need for tobacco, which although less important
in general is at this stage still wholly unsatisfied.
By this reference to an ordinary phenomenon of life, I believe I have
clarified satisfactorily the meaning of the numbers in the table, which
were chosen merely to facilitate demonstration of a difficult and
previously unexplored field of psychology.
The varying importance that satisfaction of separate concrete needs has
for men is not foreign to the consciousness of any economizing man,
however little attention has hitherto been paid by scholars to the
phenomena here treated. Wherever men live, and whatever level of
civilization they occupy, we can observe how economizing individuals
weigh the relative importance of satisfaction of their various needs in
general, how they weigh especially the relative importance of the
separate acts leading to the more or less complete satisfaction of each
need, and how they are finally guided by the results of this comparison
into activities directed to the fullest possible satisfaction of their
needs (economizing). Indeed, this weighing of the relative importance
of needs—this choosing between needs that are to remain unsatisfied and
needs that are, in accordance with the available means, to attain
satisfaction, and determining the degree to which the latter are to be
satisfied—is the very part of the economic activity of men that fills
their minds more than any other, that has the most far-reaching
influence on their economic efforts, and that is exercised almost
continually by every economizing individual. But human knowledge of the
different degrees of importance of satisfaction of different needs and
of separate acts of satisfaction is also the first cause of differences
in the value of goods.
B.
The
dependence of separate satisfactions on particular goods (objective
factor).
If, opposite each particular concrete need of men, there was but a
single available good, and that good was suitable exclusively for the
satisfaction of the one need (so that, on the one side, satisfaction of
the need would not take place if
the particular good
were not at our disposal, and on the other side, the good would be
capable of serving for the satisfaction of that concrete need and no
other) the determination of the value of the good would be very easy;
it would be equal to the importance we attribute to satisfaction of
that need. For it is evident that whenever we are dependent, in
satisfying a given need, on the availability of a certain good (that
is, whenever this satisfaction would not take place if we did not have
the good at our disposal) and when that good is, at the same time, not
suitable for any other useful purpose, it can attain the full but never
any other importance than that which the given satisfaction has for us.
Hence, according to whether the importance of the given satisfaction to
us, in a case such as this, is greater or smaller, the value of the
particular good to us will be greater or smaller. If, for instance, a
myopic individual were cast away on a lonely island and found among the
goods he had salvaged just one
pair of glasses correcting his
myopia but no second pair, there is no doubt that these glasses would
have the full importance to him that he attributes to corrected
eye-sight, and just as certainly no greater importance, since the
glasses would hardly be suitable for the satisfaction of other needs.
But in ordinary life the relationship between available goods and our
needs is generally much more complicated. Usually not a single good but
a quantity of
goods stands opposite not a single concrete
need but a complex
of such needs. Sometimes a larger and
sometimes a smaller number of satisfactions, of very different degrees
of importance, depends on our command of a given quantity of goods, and
each one of the goods has the ability to produce these satisfactions
differing so greatly in importance.
An isolated farmer, after a rich harvest, has more than two hundred
bushels of wheat at his disposal. A portion of this secures him the
maintenance of his own and his family’s lives until the next harvest,
and another portion the preservation of health; a third portion assures
him seed-grain for the next seeding; a fourth portion may be
employed for the production of beer, whiskey, and other luxuries; and a
fifth portion may be used for the fattening of his cattle. Several
remaining bushels, which he cannot use further for these more important
satisfactions, he allots to the feeding of pets in order to make the
balance of his grain in some way useful.
The farmer is, therefore, dependent upon the grain in his possession
for satisfactions of very different degrees of importance. At first he
secures with it his own and his family’s lives, and then his own and
his family’s health. Beyond this, he secures with it the uninterrupted
operation of his farm, an important foundation of his continuing
welfare. Finally, he employs a portion of his grain for purposes of
pleasure, and in so doing is again employing his grain for purposes
that are of very different degrees of importance to him.
We are thus considering a case—one that is typical of ordinary life—in
which satisfactions of very different degrees of importance
depend
on the availability of a quantity of goods that we shall assume, for
the sake of greater simplicity, to be composed of completely
homogeneous units. The question that now arises is: what, under the
given conditions, is the value of a certain portion of the grain to our
farmer? Will the bushels of grain that secure his own and his family’s
lives have a higher value to him than the bushels that enable him to
seed his fields? And will the latter bushels have a greater value to
him than the bushels of grain he employs for purposes of pleasure?
No one will deny that the satisfactions that seem assured by the
various portions of the available supply of grain are very
unequal
in importance, ranging from an importance of 10 to an importance
of 1 in terms of our earlier designations. Yet no one will be
able
to maintain that some bushels of grain (those, for instance, with which
the farmer will nourish himself and his family till the next harvest)
will have a higher value to him than other bushels of the same quality
(those, for instance, from which he will make luxury beverages).
In this and in every other case where satisfactions of different
degrees of importance depend on command of a given quantity of goods,
we are, above all, faced with the difficult question: which particular
satisfaction is dependent on a particular portion of the
quantity
of goods in question?
The solution of this most important question of the theory of value
follows from reflection upon human economy and the nature of value.
We have seen that the efforts of men are directed toward fully
satisfying their needs, and where this is impossible, toward satisfying
them as completely as
possible. If a quantity of
goods stands opposite needs of varying importance to men, they will
first satisfy, or provide for, those needs whose satisfaction has the
greatest importance to them. If there are any goods remaining, they
will direct them to the satisfaction of needs that are next in degree
of importance to those already satisfied. Any further remainder will be
applied consecutively to the satisfaction of needs that come next in
degree of importance.
If a good can be used for the satisfaction of several different kinds
of needs, and if, with respect to each kind of need, successive single
acts of satisfaction each have diminishing importance according to the
degree of completeness with which the need in question has already been
satisfied, economizing men will first employ the quantities of the good
that are available to them to secure those acts of satisfaction,
without regard to the kind of need, which have the highest importance
for them. They will employ any remaining quantities to secure
satisfactions of concrete needs that are next in importance, and any
further remainder to secure successively less important satisfactions.
The end result of this procedure is that the most important of the
satisfactions that cannot be achieved have the same importance for
every kind of need, and hence that all needs are being satisfied up to
an equal degree of importance of the separate acts of satisfaction.
We have been asking what value a given unit of a quantity of goods
possessed by an economizing individual has for him. Our question can be
more precisely stated with respect to the nature of value if it is
stated in this form: which satisfaction would not be attained if the
economizing individual did not have the given unit at his disposal—that
is, if he were to have command of a total amount smaller by that one
unit? The answer, which follows from the previous exposition of the
nature of human economy, is that every economizing individual
would in this case, with the quantity of goods yet remaining to him, by
all means satisfy his more important needs and forgo satisfaction of
the less important ones. Thus, of all the satisfactions previously
obtained, only the one that has the smallest importance to him would
now be unattained.
Accordingly, in every concrete case, of all the satisfactions secured
by means of the whole quantity of a good at the disposal of an
economizing individual, only those that have the least importance to
him are dependent on the availability of a given portion of the whole
quantity. Hence the value to this person of any portion of the whole
available quantity of the good is equal to the importance to him of the
satisfactions of least importance among those assured by the whole
quantity and achieved with an equal portion.
Suppose that an individual needs 10 discrete units (or
10 measures) of a good for the full satisfaction of all his
needs
for that good, that these needs vary in importance from 10 to 1, but
that he has only 7 units (or only 7 measures) of the good at his
command. From what has been said about the nature of human economy it
is directly evident that this individual will satisfy only those of his
needs for the good that range in importance from 10 to 4 with the
quantity at his command (7 units), and that the other needs, ranging in
importance from 3 to 1, will remain unsatisfied. What is the value to
the economizing individual in question of one of his 7 units (or
measures) in this case? According to what we have learned about the
nature of the value of goods, this question is equivalent to the
question: what is the importance of the satisfactions that would be
unattained if the individual concerned were to have only 6 instead of 7
units (or measures) at his command. If some accident were to deprive
him of one of his seven goods (or measures), it is clear that the
person in question would use the remaining 6 units to satisfy the more
important needs and would neglect the least important one. Hence the
result of losing one good (or one measure) would be that only the least
of all the satisfactions assured by the whole available quantity of
seven units (i.e., the satisfaction whose importance was designated as
4) would be lost, while those satisfactions (or acts of
satisfying needs) whose importance ranges from 10 to 5 would
take
place as before. In this case, therefore, only a satisfaction whose
importance was designated by 4 will depend on command of a single unit
(or measure), and as long as the individual in question continues to
have command of 7 units (or measures) of the good, the value of each
unit (or measure) will be equal to the importance of this satisfaction.
For it is only this satisfaction with an importance of 4 that depends
on one unit (or measure) of the available quantity of the good. Other
things being equal, if only 5 units (or measures) of the good were
available to the economizing individual in question, it is evident
that—as long as this economic situation persisted—each discrete unit or
partial quantity of the good would have an importance to him expressed
numerically by the figure 6. If he had 3 units, each one would have an
importance to him expressed numerically by the figure 8. Finally, if he
had but a single good, its importance would be equal to 10.
Examination of a number of particular cases will fully
elucidate
the principles here set forth, and I do not wish to shirk this
important task, even though I know that I shall appear tiresome to some
readers. Following in the path of Adam Smith, I will risk some
tediousness to gain clarity of exposition.
To begin with the simplest case, suppose that an isolated economizing
individual inhabits a rocky island in the sea, that he finds only a
single spring on the island, and that he is exclusively dependent upon
it for satisfaction of his need for fresh water. Assume that this
isolated individual needs: (a) one unit of water daily for the
maintenance of his life, (b) nineteen units for the animals whose milk
and meat provide him with the most necessary means of subsistence, (c)
forty units, partly so that he may consume the full quantity necessary
to the maintenance not only of his life but also his health; partly, to
the extent necessary for the continuance of his health and general
well-being, to clean his body, his clothes, and his implements; and
partly for the support of some additional animals whose milk and meat
he finds needful, and finally (d) forty additional units of
water
daily, partly for his flower garden, and partly for some animals, which
he keeps, not the maintenance of his life and health, but
simply
for the purpose of a more varied diet, or for mere companionship.
Assume too that he does not know how to employ more than this total of
one hundred units of water.
As long as the spring provides water so copiously that he can not only
satisfy all his needs for water but let several thousand pails flow
into the sea every day, and thus as long as the satisfaction of none of
his needs depends upon whether he has one unit more or one unit less
(e.g., one pail full) at his disposal, a unit of water will, as we have
seen, have neither economic character nor value to him, and thus there
can be no question of the magnitude of its value. But if some natural
event should now suddenly cause the spring to become partially
exhausted, and if our island dweller should, as a result, have
only 90 units of water at his disposal while he continues to require
100 units for the full satisfaction of his needs, it is clear that some
satisfaction would then be dependent on the availability of each
portion of the whole supply of water, and hence that each particular
unit of water would attain that significance for him that we call value.
If we now, however, ask which of his satisfactions is, in this case,
dependent on a given portion of the 90 units of water
available to
him, on 10 units for instance, our question takes the following form:
which satisfactions of our isolated individual would not be attained if
he did not have this given portion of the supply at his disposal—that
is, if he should have only 80 instead of go units?
Nothing is more certain than that our economizing individual would
continue, even if he had only 80 units of water available
daily,
to consume the quantity necessary for the preservation of his life, and
as much more as will maintain as many animals as are indispensable for
keeping him alive. Since these purposes require only 20 units of water
daily, he would apply the remaining 60 units first to the satisfaction
of all the needs on which his health and his continuing general
well-being depend. Since for this purpose he requires a total of only
40 pails of water daily, he would have 20 units left, which could be
employed for purposes of mere enjoyment. The last 20 units could thus
maintain either his flower garden or the animals he owns purely for
pleasure. He would certainly choose, from the two satisfactions, the
one appearing to him to be the more important, and would neglect the
less important one.
When our Crusoe has 90 units of water available to him daily,
the
question whether he will continue to have this quantity or 10 units
less at his disposal is, for him, equivalent to the question whether or
not he will be in a position to continue to satisfy the least important
needs that are being satisfied with 10 units of water daily. As long,
therefore, as a total quantity of go units continues at his disposal,
10 units of water will have only the importance of these least
important satisfactions—that is, only the importance of relatively
insignificant enjoyments.
Suppose now that the spring supplying the individual of the isolated
economy with water is even further exhausted, to such an extent indeed,
that only forty units of water are available to him daily. Now again,
just as before, the maintenance of his life and well-being will depend
on the availability of this whole quantity of water. But the situation
has changed in an important respect. If earlier some one of his
pleasures or comforts depended on the availability of each, in any way
practically significant, part of the whole supply (one unit, for
instance), now the question of a unit more or a unit less of water
being available per day is, for our Crusoe, already a question of the
more or less complete maintenance of his health or general well-being.
In other words, if he should lose one unit, the effect would be that he
could no longer satisfy one of the needs on whose satisfaction the
preservation of his health and his continuing general well-being
depend. If a single pail of water had no value whatsoever to our Crusoe
as long as he had several hundred pails at his disposal daily, and if
later, when he had only go units daily, each unit had only the
importance of some particular enjoyment dependent upon it, now each
part of the forty units still available has the importance to him of
much more important satisfactions. For now the satisfaction of needs
whose non-satisfaction impairs his health and continuing well-being
depends on each one of the forty units. But the value of each quantity
of goods is equal to the importance of the satisfactions that depend on
it. If the value of one unit of water to our Crusoe was at first equal
to zero, and in the second case equal to one, it would now already be
expressed numerically by something like the figure six.
Suppose, with continued drought, the spring should become more and more
exhausted, and finally yield just the amount of water daily that is
required barely to support the life of this isolated individual (hence
in our case approximately 20 units, since he requires that
much
for himself and for those animals of his herd without whose milk and
meat he cannot keep alive). In such a case, it is clear that each
practically significant quantity of water available to him would have
the full importance of the maintenance of his life. Hence a unit of
water would have a still higher value than before, a value expressed
numerically by the figure 10.
Thus, in the first of our cases, we saw that as long as the individual had
several thousand pails of water at his disposal
daily, a small portion of this quantity, one pail for instance, had no
value to him at all because no kind of satisfaction depended on any
single pail. In the second case, we saw that a concrete unit of the go
units available to him already had the importance of certain minor
enjoyments, since the least important satisfactions that depended on go
units were these enjoyments. In the third case, when only 40 units of
water a day were at his disposal, we saw that more important
satisfactions were dependent on each concrete unit. In the fourth case,
still more important satisfactions became dependent on each concrete
unit. In each succeeding case, we saw the value of the remaining units
rising successively as more important satisfactions became dependent on
them.
To pass on to more complicated (social) relationships, suppose that a
sailing ship still has 20 days of sailing to reach land, that
by
some accident its stores of food are almost completely lost, and that
only such a quantity of some one variety of food, biscuits for
instance, is left for each of the shipmates as is just sufficient for
the preservation of his life for the 20 days. This is a case in which
given needs of the persons on the sailing ship stand opposite command
of just the precise quantity of a given good that makes the
satisfaction of these needs wholly dependent on the available quantity
of the good. If it is assumed that the lives of the voyagers can be
maintained only if each of them consumes a half pound of biscuits
daily, and that each voyager has actual possession of 10 pounds of
biscuits, then this quantity of food will have for each voyager the
full importance of maintaining his life. Under such conditions, no one
who prizes his own life at all could be prevailed upon to surrender
this quantity of goods, or even any appreciable part of it, for any
goods other than foodstuffs, even for the most valuable goods of
ordinary life. If, for example, a rich man travelling on the boat
should offer a pound of gold for the same weight of biscuits to
alleviate the pangs of hunger inevitable with such scant rations, he
would find none of his shipmates ready to accept such a bargain.
Suppose next that the voyagers on the ship have command of another five
pounds of ship’s biscuits each, in addition to the 10 pounds already
mentioned. In this case their lives would no longer depend on
their command of a single pound of biscuits, since one pound could be
withdrawn from their control, or exchanged by them for goods other than
foodstuffs, without endangering their lives. Even though their very
lives would no longer depend on one pound of the food, a pound of it
would nevertheless constitute a protection against the pangs of hunger,
as well as a means to the preservation of their health, since such
scanty nourishment, continued for twenty days, as would be the fare of
all persons having only ten pounds of biscuits at their disposal, would
unquestionably have an injurious effect on their well-being. Under such
circumstances, although a single pound of biscuits would no longer have
the importance to them of maintaining their lives, it would
nevertheless have the importance everyone attaches to the preservation
of his health and well-being, insofar as these depend on a single pound
of biscuits.
Let us assume, finally, that the galley of the ship has
been completely denuded of all its food stores; that the
voyagers
are also without any food of their own; that the ship is laden with a
cargo of several thousand hundred-weight of biscuits; and that the
captain of the ship, in consideration of the unfortunate situation of
the voyagers as a result of this calamity, authorizes everyone to
nourish himself at will with biscuits. The voyagers will, of course,
take the biscuits to still their hunger. But no one will doubt that a
palatable piece of meat would, in such a case, have considerable value
to a voyager whose entire fare for twenty days would otherwise consist
of biscuits alone, while a pound of biscuits would have an
extraordinarily small value, and perhaps no value at all.
Why did
command of a pound of biscuits have the full
importance of maintaining his life to each voyager in the first of
these cases, still a very great importance in the second case, but no
importance whatsoever, or at any rate only an exceedingly slight
importance, in the third case?
The needs of the voyagers remained the same in all three
cases,
since neither their personalities nor their requirements changed. What
did change, however, was the quantity of food standing opposite these
requirements in each case. Opposite identical requirements for food on
the part of the voyagers, there were ten pounds of food per person in
the first case, a larger quantity in the second case, and a still
larger quantity in the third case. Hence, from one case to the next,
the importance of the satisfactions that were dependent on single units
of the food declined progressively.
But what we have been able to observe here, at first with an isolated
individual, and then in a small group temporarily isolated from the
rest of humanity, is equally valid for the more complex
interrelationships of a people and of human society in general. The
situation of the inhabitants of a country after a crop failure, after
an average crop, and finally, in a year following a bumper crop,
presents relationships analogous in nature to those described
above. Here also, opposite certain definite requirements, there is a
smaller available quantity of food in the first case than in the
second, and a smaller one in the second case than in the
third.
Hence, in these cases also, the importance of the satisfactions that
depend on single units of the whole supply varies considerably.
If an elevator with 100,000 bushels of wheat burns down in a country
that has just had a bumper crop, the effect of the calamity will at
most be that less alcohol will be produced, or that the poorer part of
the population will at worst be fed somewhat more scantily, without
suffering deprivation; if the calamity occurs after an average crop,
many people will already have to forgo more important satisfactions;
and if the misfortune coincides with a famine, a great many
people
will die of hunger. In each of the three cases, satisfactions
of
very different degrees of importance depend on each concrete unit of
the grain available to the people concerned, and for this reason the
value of a unit of grain varies greatly in the three cases.
If we summarize what has been said, we obtain the
following principles as the result of our investigation thus
far:
(1) The
importance that goods have for us and which we call value is merely
imputed. Basically, only satisfactions have importance for us, because
the maintenance of our lives and well-being depend on them. But we
logically impute this importance to the goods on whose availability we
are conscious of being dependent for these satisfactions.
(2) The
magnitudes of importance that different satisfactions of
concrete needs (the separate acts of satisfaction that can be realized
by means of individual goods) have for us are unequal, and their
measure lies in the degree of their importance for the maintenance of
our lives and welfare.
(3) The
magnitudes of the importance of our satisfactions that are imputed to
goods—that is, the magnitudes of their values—are therefore also
unequal, and their measure lies in the degree of importance that the
satisfactions dependent on the goods in question have for us.
(4) In
each particular case, of all the satisfactions assured by the whole
available quantity of a good, only those that have the least importance
to an economizing individual are dependent on command of a given
portion of the whole quantity.
(5) The
value of a particular good or of a given portion of the whole quantity
of a good at the disposal of an economizing individual is thus for him
equal to the importance of the least important of the satisfactions
assured by the whole available quantity and achieved with any equal
portion. For it is with respect to these least important satisfactions
that the economizing individual concerned is dependent on the
availability of the particular good, or given quantity of a good.
Thus, in our investigation to this point, we have traced the
differences in the value of goods back to their ultimate causes, and
have also, at the same time, found the ultimate, and original, measure
by which the values of all goods are judged by men.
If what has been said is correctly understood, there can be no
difficulty in solving any problem involving the explanation of the
causes determining the differences between the values of two or more
concrete goods or quantities of goods.
If we ask, for example, why a pound of drinking water has no value
whatsoever to us under ordinary circumstances, while a minute
fraction of a pound of gold or diamonds generally exhibits a very high
value, the answer is as follows: Diamonds and gold are so rare that all
the diamonds available to mankind could be kept in a chest and all the
gold in a single large room, as a simple calculation will show.
Drinking water, on the other hand, is found in such large quantities on
the earth that a reservoir can hardly be imagined large enough to hold
it all. Accordingly, men are able to satisfy only the most important
needs that gold and diamonds serve to satisfy, while they are usually
in a position not only to satisfy their needs for drinking water fully
but, in addition, also to let large quantities of it escape unused,
since they are unable to use up the whole available quantity. Under
ordinary circumstances, therefore, no human need would have to remain
unsatisfied if men were unable to command some particular quantity of
drinking water. With gold and diamonds, on the other hand, even the
least significant satisfactions assured by the total quantity available
still have a relatively high importance to economizing men. Thus
concrete quantities of drinking water usually have no
value to
economizing men but concrete quantities of gold and diamonds a high
value.
All this holds only for the ordinary circumstances of life, when
drinking water is available to us in copious quantities and
gold
and diamonds in very small quantities. In the desert, however, where
the life of a traveller is often dependent on a drink of water, it can
by all means be imagined that more important satisfactions depend, for
an individual, on a pound of water than on even a pound of gold. In
such a case, the value of a pound of water would consequently be
greater, for the individual concerned, than the value of a pound of
gold. And experience teaches us that such a relationship, or one that
is similar, actually develops where the economic situation is as I have
just described.
C.
The
influence of differences in the quality of goods on their value.
Human needs can often be satisfied by goods of different types
and
still more frequently by goods that differ, not as to type, but as to
kind. Where we deal with given complexes of human needs, on the one
side, and with the quantities of goods available for their
satisfaction, on the other side (p. 129), the needs do not, therefore,
always stand opposite quantities of homogeneous goods, but often
opposite goods of different types, and still more frequently opposite
goods of different kinds.
For greater simplicity of exposition I have, until now, omitted
consideration of the differences between goods, and have, in the
preceding sections, considered only cases in which
quantities of completely homogeneous goods stand opposite needs of a
specific type (stressing particularly the way in which their importance
decreases in accordance with the degree of completeness of the
satisfaction already attained). In this way, I was able to give greater
emphasis to the influence that differences in the available quantities
exercise on the value of goods.
The cases that now remain to be taken into consideration are those in
which given human needs may be satisfied by goods of different
types or kinds and in which, therefore, given human requirements stand
opposite available quantities of goods of which separate portions are
qualitatively different.
In this connection, it should first be noted that differences between
goods, whether they be differences of type or of kind, cannot affect
the value of the different units of a given supply if the satisfaction
of human needs is in no way affected by these differences. Goods that
satisfy human needs in an identical fashion are for this very reason
regarded as completely homogeneous from an economic point of view, even
though they may belong to different types or kinds on the
basis of
external appearance.
If the differences, as to type or kind, between two goods are to be
responsible for differences in their value, it is necessary that they
also have different capacities to satisfy human needs. In other words,
it is necessary that they have what we call, from an economic point of
view, differences in quality. An
examination of the
influence that differences in quality exercise on the value of
particular goods is therefore the subject of the following
investigation.
From an economic standpoint, the qualitative differences
between
goods may be of two kinds. Human needs may be satisfied either in a quantitatively
or in a qualitatively
different manner by means of equal
quantities of qualitatively different goods. With a given quantity of
beech wood, for instance, the human need for warmth may be satisfied in
a quantitatively
more intensive manner than with the same
quantity of fir. But two equal quantities of foodstuffs of equal food
value may satisfy the need for food in qualitatively
different
fashions, since the consumption of one dish may, for example, provide
enjoyment while the other may provide either no enjoyment or only an
inferior one. With goods of the first category, the inferior quality
can be fully compensated for by a larger quantity, but with goods of
the second category this is not possible. Fir, alder, or pine can
replace beech wood for heating purposes, and if coal of inferior carbon
content, oak bark of inferior tannin content, and the ordinary labor
services of tardy or less efficient day-laborers are only available to
economizing men in sufficiently large quantities, they can generally
replace the more highly qualified goods perfectly. But even if
unpalatable foods or beverages, dark and wet rooms, the services of
mediocre physicians, etc., are available in the largest quantities,
they can never satisfy our needs as well, qualitatively,
as the
corresponding more highly qualified goods.
When economizing individuals appraise the value of a good, it is purely
a question, as we have seen, of estimating the importance of
satisfaction of those needs with respect to which they are dependent on
command of the good (p. 122). The quantity of a good that will
bring about a given satisfaction is, however, only a secondary factor
in valuation. For if smaller quantities of a more highly qualified good
will satisfy a human need in the same (that is, in a quantitatively and
qualitatively identical) manner as larger quantities of a less
qualified good, it is evident that the smaller quantities of the more
highly qualified good will have the same value to economizing men as
the larger quantities of the less qualified good. Thus equal quantities
of goods having different qualities of the first kind will display
values that are unequal in the proportion indicated. If, for example,
in determining the value of oak bark we take account exclusively of its
tannin content, and seven hundred-weight of one grade has the same
effectiveness as eight hundred-weight of another grade, it will also
have the same value as the latter quantity to the artisans using the
bark. Merely reducing these goods to quantities of equal economic
effectiveness (a procedure actually employed in the economic activities
of men in all such cases) thus completely removes the difficulty in
determining the value of given quantities of different qualities (so
far as their effectiveness is merely quantitatively different). In this
way, the more complicated case under consideration is reduced to the
simple relationship explained earlier (pp. 123ff).
The question of the influence of different qualities on the values of
particular goods is more complicated when the qualitative differences
between the goods cause needs to be satisfied in qualitatively
different ways. There can be no doubt, after what has been said about
the general principle of value determination (p. 122),
that it is the importance of the needs that would remain unsatisfied if
we did not have command of a particular good of not only the general
type but also the specific quality corresponding to these needs that
is, in this case too, the factor determining its value. The difficulty
I am discussing here does not, therefore, lie in the general principle
of value determination being inapplicable to these goods, but rather in
the determination of the particular satisfaction that depends on a
particular concrete good when a whole group of needs stands opposite
goods whose various units are capable of satisfying these needs in
qualitatively different ways. In other words, it lies in the practical
application of the general principle of value determination to human
economic activity. The solution to this problem arises from the
following considerations.
Economizing individuals do not use the quantities of goods available to
them without regard to differences in quality when these exist. A
farmer who has grain of different grades at his disposal does not, for
example, use the worst grade for seeding, grain of medium quality as
cattle feed, and the best for food and the production of beverages. Nor
does he use the grains of different grades indiscriminately for one
purpose or another. Rather, with a view to his requirements, he employs
the best grade for seeding, the best that remains for food and
beverages, and the grain of poorest quality for fattening cattle.
With goods whose units are homogeneous, the total available quantity of
a good stands opposite the whole set of concrete needs that can be
satisfied by means of it. But in cases where the different units of a
good satisfy human needs in qualitatively different ways, the total
available quantity of a good no longer stands opposite the whole set of
needs; each available quantity of specific quality instead stands
opposite corresponding specific needs of the economizing individuals.
If, with respect to a given consumption purpose, a good of a certain
quality cannot be replaced at all by goods of any other quality, the
principle of value determination previously demonstrated
(p. 132)
applies fully and directly to particular quantities of that good. Thus
the value of any particular unit of such a good is equal to the
importance of the least important satisfaction that is provided for by
the total available quantity of this precise quality of good, since it
is with respect to this satisfaction that we are actually dependent on
command of the particular unit of this quality.
But human needs can be satisfied by means of goods of different
qualifications, although in qualitatively different ways. If goods of
one quality can be replaced by goods of another quality, though not
with the same effectiveness, the value of a unit of the goods of
superior quality is equal to the importance of the least important
satisfaction that is provided for by the goods
of
superior quality minus a value quota that
is greater: (1) the
smaller the value of the goods of inferior quality by which the
particular need in question can also be satisfied, and (2) the smaller
the difference to men between the importance of satisfying the
particular need with the superior good and the importance of satisfying
it with the inferior one.
Thus we arrive at the result that, even in cases in which a complex of
needs stands opposite a quantity of goods of different qualities,
satisfactions of given intensities always depend on each partial
quantity or on each concrete unit of these goods. Hence, in all the
cases discussed, the principle of value determination that I formulated
above maintains its full applicability.
D.
The
subjective character of the measure of value. Labor and value. Error.
When I discussed the nature of value, I observed that value is
nothing inherent in goods and that it is not a property
of goods.
But neither is value an independent thing. There is no reason why a
good may not have value to one economizing individual but no value to
another individual under different circumstances. The measure
of value is entirely subjective in nature, and for this reason a good
can have great value to one economizing individual, little value to
another, and no value at all to a third, depending upon the differences
in their requirements and available amounts. What one person disdains
or values lightly is appreciated by another, and what one person
abandons is often picked up by another. While one economizing
individual esteems equally a given amount of one good and a greater
amount of another good, we frequently observe just the opposite
evaluations with another economizing individual.
Hence not only the nature but
also the measure
of
value is subjective. Goods always have value to
certain
economizing individuals and this value is also determined
only
by these individuals.
The value an economizing individual attributes to a good is equal to
the importance of the particular satisfaction that depends on his
command of the good. There is no necessary and direct connection
between the value of a good and whether, or in what quantities, labor
and other goods of higher order were applied to its
production. A
non-economic good (a quantity of timber in a virgin forest, for
example) does not attain value for men if large quantities of labor or
other economic goods were applied to its production. Whether a diamond
was found accidentally or was obtained from a diamond pit with the
employment of a thousand days of labor is completely irrelevant for its
value. In general, no one in practical life asks for the history of the
origin of a good in estimating its value, but considers solely the
services that the good will render him and which he would have to forgo
if he did not have it at his command. Goods on which much labor has
been expended often have no value, while others, on which little or no
labor was expended, have a very high value. Goods on which much labor
was expended and others on which little or no labor was expended are
often of equal value to economizing men. The quantities of labor or of
other means of production applied to its production cannot, therefore,
be the determining factor in the value of a good. Comparison of the
value of a good with the value of the means of production employed in
its production does, of course, show whether and to what extent its
production, an act of past
human activity, was appropriate or
economic. But the quantities of goods employed in the production of a
good have neither a necessary nor a directly determining influence on
its value.
Equally untenable is the opinion that the determining factor in
the value of goods is the quantity of labor or other means of
production that are necessary for their reproduction.
A large
number of goods cannot be reproduced (antiques, and paintings by old
masters, for instance) and thus, in a number of cases, we can observe
value but no possibility of reproduction. For this reason, any factor
connected with reproduction cannot be the determining principle of
value in general. Experience, moreover, shows that the value of the
means of production necessary for the reproduction of many goods
(old-fashioned clothes and obsolete machines, for instance) is
sometimes considerably higher and sometimes lower than the value of the
products themselves.
The determining factor in the value of a good, then, is neither the
quantity of labor or other goods necessary for its production nor the
quantity necessary for its reproduction, but rather the magnitude of
importance of those satisfactions with respect to which we are
conscious of being dependent on command of the good. This principle of
value determination is universally valid, and no exception to
it can be found in human economy.
The importance of a satisfaction to us is not the result of an
arbitrary decision, but rather is measured by the importance, which is
not arbitrary, that the satisfaction has for our lives or
for our
well-being. The relative degrees of importance of different
satisfactions and of successive acts of satisfaction are nevertheless
matters of judgment on the part of economizing men, and for this
reason, their knowledge of these degrees of importance is, in some
instances, subject to error.
We saw earlier that the satisfactions on which their lives
depend
have the highest importance to men, that the satisfactions following
next in importance are those on which their well-being depends, and
that satisfactions on which a higher degree of well-being depends (with
equal intensity a longer enduring satisfaction, and with the same
duration a more intensive one) have a higher importance to men than
those on which a lower degree of their well-being is dependent.
But what has been said by no means excludes the
possibility that
stupid men may, as a result of their defective knowledge, sometimes
estimate the importance of various satisfactions in a manner contrary
to their real importance. Even individuals whose economic activity is
conducted rationally, and who therefore certainly endeavor to recognize
the true importance of satisfactions in order to gain an accurate
foundation for their economic activity, are subject to error. Error is
inseparable from all human knowledge.
Men are especially prone to let themselves be misled into
overestimating the importance of satisfactions that give
intense momentary pleasure but contribute only fleetingly to
their
well-being, and so into underestimating the importance of satisfactions
on which a less intensive but longer enduring well-being depends. In
other words, men often esteem passing, intense enjoyments more highly
than their permanent welfare, and sometimes even more than their lives.
If men are thus already often in error with respect to their knowledge
of the subjective factor of value determination, when it is merely a
question of appraising their own states of mind, they are even
more likely to err when it is a question of their perception of the
objective factor of value determination, especially when it is a
question of their knowledge of the magnitudes of the quantities
available to them and of the different qualities of goods.
For these reasons alone it is clear why the determination of
the
value of particular goods is beset with manifold errors in economic
life. But in addition to value fluctuations that arise from changes in
human needs, from changes in the quantities of goods available to men,
and from changes in the physical properties of goods, we can also
observe fluctuations in the values of goods that are caused simply by changes
in the knowledge
men have of the importance of goods
for their lives and welfare.
3.
The Laws Governing the Value of Goods of Higher Order
A.
The
principle determining the value of goods of higher order.
Among the most egregious of the fundamental errors that have had the most
far-reaching consequences in the previous
development of our science is the argument that goods attain value for
us because goods were employed in their production that had value to
us. Later, when I come to the discussion of the prices of goods of
higher order, I shall show the specific causes that were responsible
for this error and for its becoming the foundation of the accepted
theory of prices (in a form hedged about with all sorts of special
provisions, of course). Here I want to state, above all, that this
argument is so strictly opposed to all experience (p. 146) that it
would have to be rejected even if it provided a formally
correct solution to the problem of establishing a principle explaining
the value of goods.
But even this last purpose cannot be achieved by the argument in
question, since it offers an explanation only for the value of
goods we may designate as “products” but not for the value of
all
other goods, which appear as original factors of production. It does
not explain the value of goods directly provided by nature, especially
the services of land. It does not explain the value of labor services.
Nor does it even, as we shall see later, explain the value of the
services of capital. For the value of all these goods cannot be
explained by the argument that goods derive their value from the value
of the goods expended in their production. Indeed, it makes their value
completely incomprehensible.
This argument, therefore, provides
neither a formally
correct solution nor one that conforms with the facts of reality, to
the problem of discovering a universally valid explanation of the value
of goods. On the one hand, it is in contradiction with experience; and
on the other hand, it is patently inapplicable wherever we have to deal
with goods that are not the product of the combination of goods of
higher order. The value of goods of lower order cannot, therefore, be
determined by the value of the goods of higher order that were employed
in their production. On the contrary, it is evident that the value of
goods of higher order is always and without exception determined by the
prospective value of the goods of lower order in whose production they
serve.
The existence of our requirements
for goods of higher order is dependent upon the goods they serve to
produce having expected economic character (p. 107) and hence expected value.
In securing our requirements for the satisfaction of our needs, we do
not need command of goods that are suitable for the production of goods
of lower order that have no expected value (since we have no
requirements for them). We therefore have the principle that the value
of goods of higher order is dependent upon the expected value of the
goods of lower order they serve to produce. Hence goods of higher order
can attain value, or retain it once they have it, only if, or as long
as, they serve to produce goods that we expect to have value for us. If
this fact is established, it is clear also that the value of goods of
higher order cannot be the determining
factor in the
prospective value of the corresponding goods of lower order. Nor can
the value of the goods of higher order already expended in producing a
good of lower order be the determining factor in its present value. On
the contrary, the value of goods of higher order is, in all cases,
regulated by the prospective value of the goods of lower order to whose
production they have been or will be assigned by economizing men.
The prospective value of goods of lower order is often—and this must be
carefully observed—very different from the value
that
similar goods have in the present. For this reason, the value of the
goods of higher order by means of which we shall have command of goods
of lower order at some future time (pp. 67 ff.) is by no means measured
by the current value of similar goods of lower order, but rather by the
prospective value of the goods of lower order in whose production they
serve.
Suppose, for example, that we have the saltpetre, sulphur, charcoal,
specialized labor services, appliances, etc., necessary for the
production of a certain quantity of gunpowder, and that thus, by means
of these goods, we shall have this quantity of gunpowder at our command
in three months time. It is clear that the value this
gunpowder is
expected to have for us in three months time need not necessarily be
equal to, but may be greater or less than, the value of an identical
quantity of gun powder at the present time. Hence also, the magnitude
of the value of the above goods of higher order is measured, not by the
value of gunpowder at present, but by the prospective value of their
product at the end of the production period. Cases can even be imagined
in which a good of lower or first order is completely valueless at
present (ice in winter, for example), while simultaneously available
corresponding goods of higher order that assure quantities of the good
of lower order for a future time period (all the materials and
implements necessary for the production of artificial ice, for example)
have value with respect to this future time period—and vice versa.
Hence there is no necessary connection between the value of goods of
lower or first order in the present and the value of currently
available goods of higher order serving for the production of such
goods. On the contrary, it is evident that the former derive
their
value from the relationship between requirements and available
quantities in the present, while the latter derive their value from the
prospective relationship between the requirements and the quantities
that will be available at the future points in time when the products
created by means of the goods of higher order will become available. If
the prospective future value of a good of lower order rises, other
things remaining equal, the value of the goods of higher order whose
possession assures us future command of the good of lower order rises
also. But the rise or fall of the value of a good of lower order
available in the present has no necessary causal connection with the
rise or fall of the value of currently available corresponding goods of
higher order.
Hence the principle that the value of goods of higher order is
governed, not by the value of corresponding goods of lower order of the
present, but rather by the prospective value of the product, is the
universally valid principle of the determination of the value of goods
of higher order.
Only the satisfaction of our needs has direct and immediate
significance to us. In each concrete instance, this significance is
measured by the importance of the various satisfactions for our lives
and well-being. We next attribute the exact quantitative magnitude of
this importance to the specific goods on which we are
conscious of
being directly dependent for the satisfactions in question—that is, we
attribute it to economic goods of first order, as explained in the
principles of the previous section. In cases in which our requirements
are not met or are only incompletely met by goods of first order, and
in which goods of first order therefore attain value for us, we turn to
the corresponding goods of the next higher order in our efforts to
satisfy our needs as completely as possible, and attribute the value
that we attributed to goods of first order in turn to goods of second,
third, and still higher orders whenever these goods of higher order
have economic character. The value of goods of higher
order is
therefore, in the final analysis, nothing but a special form of the
importance we attribute to our lives and well-being. Thus, as with
goods of first order, the factor that is ultimately responsible for the
value of goods of higher order is merely the importance that we
attribute to those satisfactions with respect to which we are aware of
being dependent on the availability of the goods of higher order whose
value is under consideration. But due to the causal connections between
goods, the value of goods of higher order is not measured directly by
the expected importance of the final satisfaction, but rather by the
expected value of the corresponding goods of lower order.
B.
The
productivity of capital.
The transformation of goods of higher order into goods of lower order
takes place, as does every other process of change, in time. The times
at which men will obtain command of goods of first order from the goods
of higher order in their present possession will be more distant the
higher the order of these goods. While it is true, as we saw earlier
(pp. 71ff.), that the more extensive employment of goods of higher
order for the satisfaction of human needs brings about a continuous
expansion in the quantities of available consumption goods, this
extension is only possible if the provident activities of men are
extended to ever more distant time periods. A primitive Indian is
occupied incessantly with the task of meeting his requirements for a
few days at a time. A nomad who does not consume the domestic
animals at his command but decides to breed them for their
young
is already producing goods that will become available to him only after
a few months. But among civilized peoples, a considerable proportion of
the members of society is occupied with the production of goods that
will contribute only after years, and often only after decades, to the
direct satisfaction of human needs.
Thus by relinquishing their collecting economy, and by making progress
in the employment of goods of higher orders for the
satisfaction
of their needs, economizing men can most assuredly increase the
consumption goods available to them accordingly—but only on condition
that they lengthen the periods of time over which their provident
activity is to extend in the same degree that they progress to goods of
higher order.
There is, in this circumstance, an important restraint upon economic
progress. The most anxious care of men is always directed to assuring
themselves the consumption goods necessary for the maintenance of their
lives and well-being in the present or in the immediate future, but
their anxiety diminishes as the time period over which it is extended
becomes longer. This phenomenon is not accidental but deeply imbedded
in human nature. To the extent that the maintenance of our lives
depends on the satisfaction of our needs, guaranteeing the satisfaction
of earlier needs must necessarily precede attention to later ones. And
even where not our lives but merely our continuing well-being (above
all our health) is dependent on command of a quantity of goods, the
attainment of well-being in a nearer period is, as a rule, a
prerequisite of well-being in a later period. Command of the means for
the maintenance of our well-being at some distant time avails us little
if poverty and distress have already undermined our health or stunted
our development in an earlier period. Similar considerations are
involved even with satisfactions having merely the importance of
enjoyments. All experience teaches that a present enjoyment or one in
the near future usually appears more important to men than one of equal
intensity at a more remote time in the future.
Human life is a process in which the course of future development is
always influenced by previous development. It is a process that cannot
be continued once it has been interrupted, and that cannot be
completely rehabilitated once it has become seriously disordered. A
necessary prerequisite of our provision for the maintenance of our
lives and for our development in future periods is a concern for the
preceding periods of our lives. Setting aside the irregularities of
economic activity, we can conclude that economizing men
generally
endeavor to ensure the satisfaction of needs of the immediate future
first, and that only after this has been done, do they attempt to
ensure the satisfaction of needs of more distant periods, in accordance
with their remoteness in time.
The circumstance that places a restraint upon the efforts of
economizing men to progress in the employment of goods of higher orders
is thus the necessity of first making provision, with the goods at
present available to them, for the satisfaction of their needs in the
immediate future; for only when this has been done can they make
provision for more distant time periods. In other words, the economic
gain men can obtain from more extensive employment of goods of higher
orders for the satisfaction of their needs is dependent on the
condition that they still have
further quantities of goods
available for more distant time periods after
they have met
their requirements for the immediate future.
In the early stages and at the beginning of every new phase of
cultural development, when a few individuals (the first discoverers,
inventors, and enterprisers) are first making the transition to the use
of goods of the next higher order, the portion of these goods that had
existed previously but which until then had had no application of any
sort in human economy, and for which there were therefore no
requirements, naturally have non-economic character. When a hunting
people is passing over to sedentary agriculture, land and materials
that were not previously used and are now employed for the first time
for the satisfaction of human needs (lime, sand, timber, and stones for
building, for example) usually maintain their non-economic character
for some time after the transition has begun. It is therefore not the
limited quantities of these goods that prevents economizing men in the
first stages of civilization from making progress in the employment of
goods of higher orders for the satisfaction of their needs.
But there is, as a rule, another portion of the complementary goods of
higher order, which has already been serving for the
satisfaction of human needs in some branch or other of
production
before the transition to the employment of a new order of goods, and
which therefore previously exhibited economic character. The seed grain
and labor services needed by an individual passing from the stage of
collecting economy to agriculture are examples of this kind.
These goods, which the individual making the transition previously used
as goods of lower order, and which he might continue to use as goods of
lower order, must now be employed as goods of higher order if he wishes
to take advantage of the economic gain mentioned earlier. In other
words, he can procure this gain only by employing goods, which are
available to him, if he so chooses, for the present or
for
the near future,
for the satisfaction of the needs of a more
distant time period.
Meanwhile, with the continuous development of civilization and with
progress in the employment of further quantities of goods of higher
order by economizing men, a large part of the other, previously
non-economic, goods of higher order (land, limestone, sand, timber,
etc., for example) attains economic character (p. 103). When
this
occurs, each individual can participate in the economic gains connected
with employment of goods of higher order in contrast to purely
collecting activity (and, at higher levels of civilization, with the
employment of goods of higher order in contrast to the limitations of
means of production of lower order) only if he already has command of
quantities of economic goods of higher order (or quantities of economic
goods of any kind, when a brisk commerce has already developed and
goods of all kinds may be exchanged for one another) in the present for
future periods of time—in other words, only if he possesses capital.
With this proposition, however, we have reached one of the most
important truths of our science, the “productivity of capital.” The
proposition must not be understood to mean that command of quantities
of economic goods in an earlier period for a later time can contribute
anything by itself during this
period to the increase of
the consumption goods available to men. It merely means that command of
quantities of economic goods for a certain period of time is for
economizing individuals a means
to the better and more complete
satisfaction of their needs, and therefore a good—or
rather, an
economic good,
whenever the available quantities of capital
services are smaller than the requirements for them.
The more or less complete satisfaction of our needs is
therefore
no less dependent on command of quantities of economic goods for
certain periods of time (on capital services) than it is on command of
other economic goods. For this reason, capital services are objects to
which men attribute value, and as we shall see later, they are also
objects of commerce.
Some economists represent the payment of interest as a reimbursement
for the abstinence of the owner of capital. Against this doctrine, I
must point out that the abstinence of a person cannot, by itself,
attain goods-character and thus value. Moreover, capital by no means
always originates from abstinence, but in many cases as a result of
mere seizure (whenever formerly non-economic goods of higher order
attain economic character because of society’s increasing requirements,
for example). Thus the payment of interest must not be regarded as a
compensation of the owner of capital for his abstinence, but as the
exchange of one economic good (the use of capital) for another (money,
for instance). Carey falls
into the opposite error,
however, when he assigns to parsimony a tendency directly inimical to
the creation of capital.
C.
The
value of complementary quantities of goods of higher order.
In order to transform goods of higher order into
goods of lower order, the
passage of a certain period of time is necessary. Hence, whenever
economic goods are to be produced, command
of the services of
capital is necessary for a certain period of time. The
length
of this period varies according to the nature of the production
process. In any given branch of production, it is longer the higher the
order of the goods to be directed to the satisfaction of human needs.
But some passage of time is inseparable from any process of production.
During these time periods, the quantity of economic goods of which I am
speaking (capital) is fixed, and
not available for other productive purposes. In order to have a good or
a quantity of goods of lower order at our command at a future time, it
is not sufficient to have fleeting possession of the corresponding
goods of higher order at some single point in time, but instead
necessary that we retain command of these goods of higher order for a
period of time that varies in length according to the nature of the
particular process of production, and that we fix them
in
this production process for the duration of that period.
In the preceding section, we saw that command of quantities of economic
goods for given periods of time has value to economizing men, just as
other economic goods have value to them. From this it follows that the
aggregate present value of all the goods of higher order necessary for
the production of a good of lower order can be set equal to the
prospective value of the product to economizing men only if the value
of the services of capital during the production period is included.
Suppose, for example, we wish to determine the value of the goods of
higher order that assure us command of a given quantity of grain a year
hence. The value of the seed grain, the services of land, the
specialized agricultural labor services, and all the other goods of
higher order necessary for the production of the given quantity of
grain will indeed be equal to the prospective value
of the
grain at the end of the year (p. 150), but only on condition that the
value of a year’s command of these economic goods to the economizing
individuals concerned is included in the sum. The present
value
of these goods of higher order by themselves is therefore equal to the
value of the prospective product minus the value of the services of the
capital employed.
To express what has been said numerically, suppose that the prospective
value of the product that will be available at the end of the year is
100, and that the value of a year’s command of the necessary quantities
of economic goods of higher order (the value of the services of
capital) is 10. It is clear that the aggregate value of all the
complementary goods of higher order required for the production of the
product, excluding the services of capital, is equal not to 100, but
only to go. If the value of the services of capital were 15,
the
present value of the other goods of higher order would be only 85.
The value of goods to the economizing individuals concerned is, as I
have already stated several times, the most important foundation of
price formation. Now if, in ordinary life, we see that buyers of goods
of higher order never pay the full prospective price of a good of lower
order for the complementary means of production technically necessary
for its production,
that they are
always only in a
position to grant, and actually do grant, prices for them that are
somewhat lower than the price of the product, and that the sale of
goods of higher order thus has a certain similarity to discounting, the
prospective price of the product forming the basis of the computation, these
facts are
explained by the preceding argument.
A person who has at his disposal the goods of higher order required for
the production of goods of lower order does not, by virtue of this
fact, have command of the goods of lower order immediately and
directly, but only after the passage of a period of time that is longer
or shorter according to the nature of the production process. If he
wishes to exchange his goods of higher order immediately for the
corresponding goods of lower order, or for what is the same thing under
developed trade relations, a corresponding sum of money, he is
evidently in a position similar to that of a person who is to receive a
certain sum of money at a future point in time (after 6 months, for
example) but who wants to obtain command of it immediately. If the
owner of goods of higher order intends to transfer them to a third
person and is willing to receive payment only after the end of the
production process, naturally no “discounting” takes place. In fact, we
can observe the prices of goods that are sold on credit rising higher
(apart from the risk premium) the further the agreed-upon date of
payment lies in the future. All this, however, explains at the same
time why the productive activity of a people is greatly promoted by
credit. In by far the greater number of cases, credit transactions
consist in handing goods of higher order over to persons who transform
them into corresponding goods of lower order. Production, or more
extensive fabrication at least, is very often only possible through
credit; hence the pernicious stoppage and curtailment of the productive
activity of a people when credit suddenly ceases to flow.
The process of transforming goods of higher order into goods of lower
or first order, provided it is economic in other respects, must also
always be planned and conducted, with some economic purpose in view, by
an economizing individual. This individual must carry through the
economic computations of which I have just been speaking, and he must
actually bring the goods of higher order, including technical labor
services, together (or cause them to be brought together) for the
purpose of production. The
question as to
which functions are included in this so-called entrepreneurial
activity has already
been posed several times. Above all we
must bear in mind that an entrepreneur's own technical
labor
services are often among the goods of higher order that he has at his
command for purposes of production. When this is the case, he assigns
them, just like the services of other persons, their roles in the
production process. The owner of a magazine is often a contributor to
his own m