Hera : CPI

Why Financial Repression Will Fail

Ron Hera — Fri, 16 Nov 2012 17:53:00 GMT

Excessive leverage and risk in the financial system, e.g., using customer funds to speculate, never ends well. Stock market crashes, bank and investment firm failures or economic recessions are all potential consequences. Following the failure of the United States to regulate over the counter (OTC) derivatives and the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, U.S. banks became the largest financial business entities in history. The U.S. real estate bubble, sub-prime lending and mortgage backed securities (MBS), along with unregulated OTC derivatives, then lead to bank insolvencies, a historic stock market crash and a near collapse of the global financial system.

Central banks and governments intervened to prevent systemic collapse but governments were saddled with enormous debts due to bank bailouts, lost tax revenues and massive social welfare costs. Rather than systemic collapse, and perhaps another Great Depression, the post crisis period came to be characterized by (1) market interventions, (2) direct government control over the economy, and (3) ongoing monetization by central banks. Longer term solutions that would have allowed a return to putatively free markets failed to emerge and government debt, particularly in Europe, became a crisis in its own right.

Measures that began as emergency interventions became routine suggesting a new economic paradigm. In the new paradigm, big banks, politicians and academics would decide what market outcomes, e.g., bankruptcies, interest rates or bond yields, would be permitted, as well as when to apply accounting rules, regulations and laws. Despite increased centralization of decision making and greatly expanded powers, however, policymakers were unable to repair the financial system. Instead, mounting government debt led to de facto financial repression.

Financial repression occurs when governments channel funds into their own sovereign bonds in order to reduce debt levels through mechanisms such as directed lending, caps on interest rates, capital controls, debt monetization, or by other means. Economist Carmen M. Reinhart, et al., brought the term back into popular usage in 2011 after a long hiatus. Past examples of financial repression include several South American countries, such as Argentina. The promise of financial repression is that it will hold down government borrowing costs and reduce government debt levels, but critics argue that financial repression merely targets the producers of society, i.e., the middle class, and therefore harms the economy.

The Liquidation of Government Debt , Carmen M. Reinhart and M. Belen Sbrancia (NBER 16893, 2011)

Debt monetization, which can be a tool of financial repression, destroys savings while a zero percent interest rate policy (ZIRP), which reduces government borrowing costs, deprives savers and pensioners of interest income and can lead to inflation. What is more important, however, is that financial repression prevents capital formation. Of particular concern in the U.S. is the link between capital formation and new business creation, which is primarily a middle class phenomenon. The vast majority of corporations in the U.S. are small businesses and they account for the majority of jobs. By preventing capital formation, financial repression short circuits the engine of new business creation, increases unemployment and threatens to bring down the middle class.

Governments cannot supply entrepreneurship or innovation in the marketplace, nor can they effectively replace savings (genuine capital derived from surplus production) or private investment with bank credit or with public funds, which represent debt and a transfer of wealth, respectively. The deployed capital, inventions, products and services of new businesses drive innovation, fuel competition, provide jobs and increase the wealth of society. In contrast, financial repression can only produce economic stagnation and result in a net loss of wealth to society.

Crisis and Consequence

Substantially as a consequence of the financial crisis and global recession, Europe was engulfed in a sovereign debt crisis characterized in the European periphery by austerity measures and Great Depression levels of unemployment. In the U.S., the real estate collapse and stock market crash represented a direct loss of household wealth while bank bailouts represented a transfer of wealth from proverbial Main Street to literal Wall Street. Deficit spending, debt monetization and the Federal Reserve’s purchases of MBS and U.S. Treasury bonds expressed a radically inflationary monetary policy and, although much of the money is idle in the banking system, the overall increase in the supply of U.S. dollars is concerning. The True Money Supply (TMS), formulated by famed economist Murray Rothbard, represents the amount of money in the economy that is available for immediate use in exchange.

Despite the 2008 financial crisis, global recession and inflationary policies, confidence in the U.S. dollar, the U.S. stock market, the U.S. federal government and the U.S. economy remained largely intact. Inflationary policies reduced certain risks, such as the risk of a deflationary collapse, and increased liquidity from central bank monetization lifted financial markets, but the effects were only temporary. Confidence was also boosted in Europe by the European Central Bank’s (ECB) outright monetary transactions (OMT) program and in the U.S. by the Federal Reserve’s quantitative easing III (QE3) program. In Europe, the risks of sharply rising sovereign bond yields, sovereign defaults and the potential breakup of the euro were muted by OMT while European leaders putatively moved toward a permanent solution, such as a fiscal union. Thanks in part to the Federal Reserve’s ZIRP and ongoing “operation twist,” U.S. Treasury yields remained near historic lows.

On the surface, the fallout of the 2008 financial crisis was effectively managed, but the basic causes of the crisis were never addressed. The lines between depository institutions and securities firms, erased in the U.S. by the final repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999, were not restored and the U.S. Financial Accounting Standards Board’s (FASB) mark-to-market rule was never reinstated.

Although bank capital ratios have improved, leverage remains excessive, bank balance sheet assets remain troubled and economic conditions have deteriorated compared to the pre-crisis period. Banks deemed “too big to fail” in 2008 have become bigger and the gross credit exposure associated with high risk OTC derivatives is roughly as large as it was before the financial crisis. By the end of 2013, the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet will have exceeded $3.4 trillion. At the same time, the U.S. federal government faces a so-called “fiscal cliff.”

The Road to Stagflation

For 2012, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projects GDP 2.2% growth in Japan and the U.S. and 3.5% globally. Based on the Baltic Dry Index (BDI), which reflects the price of moving major raw materials by sea, the global economy has slowed in 2012. Nonetheless, there has been some improvement in comparison to the depths of the global recession in 2009.

The BDI is a leading indicator of economic growth because it reflects the demand of manufacturers for raw materials. A decline in the BDI signals falling global demand for manufactured goods. In the U.S., rail carloads also indicate falling demand.

In contrast, removing potentially optimistic projections, the U.S. Energy Information Administration’s (EIA) liquid fuels consumption data suggests an anemic recovery in the U.S. on a par with 2011.

Despite the recent uptick in U.S. manufacturing, manufacturing currently accounts for only 11.7% of U.S. GDP. In the past few decades, U.S. corporations moved production offshore, eliminating domestic jobs. Credit expansion masked the lost income of U.S. consumers but the process inexorably reached its logical conclusion in 2007. The shift of U.S. workers to often lower paying service sector jobs was counterproductive because debt levels rose while income flowed out of the U.S. following on the heels of jobs.

Although policymakers, including Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, deny it, in fact, U.S. unemployment is a long term, structural problem linked to the still ongoing outflow of U.S. consumer incomes to net exporter countries such as India and China.

The current surplus of U.S. labor, abundant capital and somewhat less expensive energy (partly due to advances in hydraulic fracturing that have increased U.S. domestic oil production) are insufficient to stimulate a broad-based economic recovery. In addition to the U.S. federal government’s growing debt and need for increased tax revenues, U.S. consumers remain burdened with high debt levels.

A U.S. manufacturing renaissance, for example, is unlikely to take hold unless the U.S. dollar weakens significantly and global demand also rises. In a global slowdown it remains unclear where new customers might come from for new U.S. products or services.

Although the financial system has continued to function due to massive infusions of liquidity, economic activity, with some exceptions, has not generally recovered or has continued to deteriorate, e.g., the shrinking number of U.S. citizens participating in the official workforce. Ignoring improvements in the unemployment rate related to the shrinking size of the workforce, much of the U.S. economic recovery in the post crisis period can be attributed to government deficit spending.

U.S. GDP has been boosted by government deficit spending in excess of $1 trillion per year. Removing the temporary effects of extraordinary deficits, U.S. GDP remains negative. Compounding the problem, loose monetary policies, rather than spurring lending to consumers or small businesses, have created inflationary pressures and have lead to stagflation.

Rather than putting Americans back to work, inflationary policies have helped to push prices higher. Based on U.S. Consumer Price Index (CPI), the official inflation rate in the U.S. is roughly 2%, but the CPI does not accurately measure the cost of maintaining a constant standard of living. Using the same methodology as in 1980, the CPI should be 9.3% currently.

Inflationary central bank policies support government borrowing and the banking system but increased liquidity resulting from low interest rates, central bank asset purchases or debt monetization can have destabilizing effects. Excess liquidity can result in price inflation, fuel financial speculation or asset price bubbles, or provoke competitive devaluations (currency wars). Asset purchases and debt monetization by central banks alter the distribution of money, thus of purchasing power over the economy and therefore redistribute wealth. Monetary inflation erodes the value of savings replacing genuine capital distributed throughout the economy with credit concentrated in banks. In the U.S., one of the Federal Reserve’s policy assumptions is that asset purchases will help small businesses by making more credit available. While it is true that small businesses rely on bank credit for operations and expansion, it is savings, not credit that fuels small business creation and therefore job growth. Since most U.S. jobs are in small businesses, QE3 and similar policies destroy jobs by redistributing wealth from savers, entrepreneurs and investors to banks and stifling new business creation. The combination of reduced new business creation, continuing high unemployment and inflationary price pressures set against a backdrop of high debt levels precisely defines stagflation.

Reign of Repression

The stagflationary environment in the U.S. is a mild example of financial repression. Countries in the European periphery, e.g., Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Ireland, where high taxes and austerity measures are already in place, are more pointed examples. In the case of Greece, which has descended into an economic depression, the natural market outcome would have been a Greek default and an exit from the European Monetary Union (EMU) accompanied by losses for European banks and quite probably a number of European bank failures, along with the systemic impact of associated OTC derivatives, such as Credit Default Swaps (CDS). To prevent bank losses and failures, however, policy decisions replaced market outcomes. The normalization of market interventions, direct government control over the economy and ongoing monetization by central banks represented a transition from a market based status quo to a policy based status quo which maintained or increased otherwise unworkable government debt levels. Maintaining the status quo, however, requires financial repression.

Like the emergency measures that preceded it, financial repression has become a fixture in a new economic paradigm, but it is no more likely to provide a permanent solution. Financial repression will remain in place as long as bank failures and sovereign defaults continue to be prevented, e.g., through bailouts, asset purchases or debt monetization by central banks. Overall economic conditions in Western countries can therefore be expected to remain stagnant or to deteriorate. The continued debasement of major currencies, such as the U.S. dollar and the euro, will reduce the real value of debts but monetary inflation cannot create a genuine economic recovery as long as bank balance sheets and government finances remain impaired. Without robust economic growth, however, both the banking system and the finances of Western governments certainly will remain impaired. In other words, financial repression in the U.S. and in Europe is set to remain in place indefinitely.

Under an ongoing regime of financial repression, savings, jobs, economic opportunity and living standards will all suffer. The middle class will be reduced as generations of socioeconomic progress are gradually reversed. Younger people, mired in stagflation, will be left behind in terms of income and economic opportunity, which will have a long term negative impact. Since U.S. banks stand to profit from financial repression, it will increase income disparity and the concentration of wealth. The destructive forces set in motion by financial repression will greatly increase the burden on government social welfare programs. Thus, financial repression will fail to alleviate government debt unless tax increases and austerity measures follow, which could turn the United States into another Greece. In theory, financial repression, together with other measures, can liquidate government debt but, in practice, it is a destructive and highly destabilizing approach that will result in a net loss of wealth to society.

The War at the End of the Dollar

Ron Hera — Sun, 01 Jul 2012 20:12:00 GMT

The history of the U.S. dollar is closely linked to U.S. involvement in a series of wars. The Bretton Woods Accord and the resulting world reserve currency status of the U.S. dollar were both byproducts of World War II (1939-1945). The Korean War (1950-1953) was followed six years later by the Vietnam War (1959-1975) which led to the end of the Bretton Woods system. Unfettered by the constraint of gold backing after 1971, the U.S. dollar became a weapon in the Cold War (1945-1991) between the U.S. and the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.). Each war corresponded with an increase in the U.S. money supply. The Gulf War (1990-1991) was followed by wars in Afghanistan, beginning in 2001, and in Iraq, beginning in 2003, and, simultaneously, by the U.S.-led War on Terror that began in 2001. Like the wars that came before them, the recent staccato of U.S. wars is correlated with increases in the U.S. money supply. The Iraq war, for example, is estimated to have cost as much as $4 trillion.

The loss of value in the U.S. dollar caused by excessive expansion of the money supply, together with rising demand for raw materials from emerging economies, has led to permanently higher global commodity prices. Higher crude oil prices, in particular, have put pressure on the U.S. economy, which is putatively in a gradual recovery from the recession that began in 2007. At the same time, international trade has begun to move away from the U.S. dollar, threatening its world reserve currency status. Given the history of the U.S. dollar, it seems likely that an eventual end of the U.S. dollar's reign as the world reserve currency will be marked by war.

U.S. politicians are clamoring for war with Iran, the third largest oil exporter in the world. Iran refuses to sell its oil for U.S. dollars. If Iranian oil were traded in U.S. dollars, it would moderate the U.S. dollar price of crude oil and ease pressure on the U.S. economy, as well as extend the world reserve currency status of the U.S. dollar and give the U.S. economic leverage over consumers of Iranian oil, which include China and India.

The U.S. news media is preparing the American public for a war with Iran with reports about the dangers of Iran becoming a nuclear power. Television news reports have speculated that Iran would immediately wipe out Israel if it obtained a nuclear weapon, despite the fact that a thermonuclear exchange would wipe out Iran. It has also been reported that Iran might carry out nuclear strikes on U.S. soil using intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), although Iran possesses neither nuclear warheads nor ICBMs. In fact, there is no evidence that Iran is currently building a nuclear weapon. One concern that is valid, however, is that no nuclear power has ever been invaded in a conventional war.

Forged in the Fire of War

The approaching end of World War II led to the creation of the Bretton Woods system in July 1944, although fighting in Europe and in the Pacific continued into 1945. The U.S. dollar, which was convertible into gold, became the dominant mechanism for international trade settlement. The price of gold was set to the pre-war price of $35 per troy ounce, which was deflationary at the time. There was nothing in the Bretton Woods Accord, however, that prevented the U.S. from issuing more currency than was backed by gold other than the threat of a run on U.S. gold reserves.

The Bretton Woods system worked as intended for roughly 17 years. The London gold market, which had been closed during World War II, reopened in 1954. By 1961, upward pressure on the price of gold prompted the establishment of the London Gold Pool by the U.S. Federal Reserve and major European central banks (including the central banks of the United Kingdom, Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Switzerland and West Germany). The London Gold Pool defended the $35 per troy ounce price through interventions in the London gold market, but upward pressure on the price of gold grew. In July of 1962, Americans were forbidden by then president Kennedy to own gold abroad by Executive Order 11037. In a 1965 press conference, then president of France, Charles de Gaulle publicly denounced the U.S. for abusing the world reserve currency status of the U.S. dollar. The London Gold Pool collapsed in March of 1968 after France withdrew from the group setting off a surge in gold demand that caused the London gold market to shut down for a two week period.

By 1971, substantially due to the cost of the Vietnam War, the U.S. had leveraged its gold reserves to the breaking point. The expansion of the U.S. money supply caused the U.S. Consumer Price Index (CPI) to increase by more than 6% in 1970 and it remained above 4% in 1971. When U.S. President Nixon "closed the gold window" in August 1971 and instituted price controls, the Bretton Woods system ended and an ad hoc floating exchange system resulted. From their peak during World War II to 1971, U.S. gold holdings fell from approximately 20,205 tonnes to approximately 8,134 tonnes. In February 1973, the U.S. devalued the dollar and raised the official dollar price of gold to $42.22 per troy ounce. By June of the same year, the market price in London had skyrocketed to more than $120 per ounce.

Although CPI inflation was below 4% at the start of 1973, it rapidly accelerated, reaching 9% at the start of 1974. With the last vestiges of gold backing having been removed from the U.S. dollar, Americans were once again allowed to own gold as a hedge against inflation. Against a backdrop of runaway U.S. dollar inflation, Arab members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), along with Egypt, Syria and Tunisia proclaimed an oil embargo in October of 1974. Officially, U.S. support of Israel in the Yom Kippur War was the reason for the embargo, but it was also a challenge to the un-backed U.S. dollar's position as the world reserve currency, i.e., as an exclusive medium for crude oil sales.

After the end of the Yom Kippur War in 1974, OPEC members, including Iran before the Iranian Revolution in 1979, began to accumulate hundreds of billions of devalued U.S. dollars due to current account surpluses linked to rising oil prices. Arab "petrodollars" were recycled into US Treasuries, invested in financial markets around the world and loaned to commercial banks.

By 1979, oil prices had roughly quadrupled and the price of gold was increasing rapidly. Then Federal Reserve Chairman, Paul Volcker raised the Federal Reserve's funds rate to an average of 11.2% in 1979. Nonetheless, in 1980 CPI inflation soared to 13.5% and the stagnant U.S. economy also slipped into recession. The price of gold hit $850 per troy ounce and the price oil averaged $37.42 per barrel, more than ten times the average price of $3.60 per barrel less than a decade before in 1971.

In a desperate bid to save the U.S. dollar, Volcker increased the funds rate to an unprecedented 20% in mid 1981, pushing the prime interest rate to a usurious 21.5% by the middle of 1982. Finally, Volcker's radical intervention slowed the rate of CPI inflation and restored confidence in the U.S. dollar. It also brought the price of crude oil down and smashed the prices of gold and silver.

The Committee to Flood the World

Post Volcker, the Federal Reserve's dilemma was how to bring down interest rates while managing the CPI independent of increases in the money supply, e.g., to neutralize the Triffin Dilemma (a conflict between domestic monetary policy and the demands placed on a currency by international trade) and to support U.S. federal government borrowing during the Cold War. The first key to the solution was to look at inflation strictly in terms of its effects on prices and not as an increase in the money supply, which is a function of interest rates. When interest rates are low, prices tend to rise because the money supply expands more quickly, thus the second key was to de-couple prices and interest rates. The third and final key was to manage the psychology of the consumer in terms of inflation expectations. While altering the CPI to reflect relatively stable prices and managing consumer inflation expectations were easily accomplished, de-coupling prices and interest rates was a more difficult problem because the prices of global commodities were not entirely under U.S. control. Ultimately, managing the CPI required managing global commodity prices, especially the price of crude oil.

A crucial breakthrough came in 1988. The article, "Gibson's Paradox and the Gold Standard" by Robert B. Barsky and Lawrence ("Larry") H. Summers in the Journal of Political Economy, showed that the price of gold was inversely correlated to interest rates. Since gold is not industrially consumed in significant quantities, the price of gold changes relative to the value of major currencies. Specifically, the price of gold had proven to be a barometer of U.S. dollar inflation after 1971. What was more important was that the prices of gold and crude oil tended to correlate. The implication of Gibson's Paradox was that interest rates could remain low as long as the price of gold did not rise. If interest rates could remain low without causing an accelerating increase in the CPI, as had happened in the 1970s, the money supply could be expanded indefinitely.

A few years after Alan Greenspan took the helm as Chairman of the Federal Reserve in 1987, interest rates were slashed and the resulting increase in the U.S. money supply began to pull away from the increase in the CPI. For roughly two decades, beginning with Volcker's success in the early 1980s, the price of gold declined while oil prices remained relatively stable, despite the fact that interest rates had come down.

The innovations in U.S. monetary policy developed principally by Summers and Greenspan helped to make it possible for the United States to up the ante in the Cold War, which ended with the collapse of the U.S.S.R. in 1991. Setting aside all other issues, the U.S.S.R. had arguably been spent into oblivion by the U.S. The fall of the U.S.S.R. seemed to guarantee the hegemony of the U.S. dollar for decades to come.

During the 1990s, Greenspan, together with Larry Summers, who was Deputy Secretary of the U.S. Treasury under Robert Ruben at the time, championed financial deregulation. Confident in their ideas, the so-called "committee to save the world" prevented regulation of over the counter (OTC) derivatives and succeeded in effectively repealing the Banking Act of 1933 (the Glass-Steagall Act).

In hindsight, Greenspan held interest rates too low for too long in the 1990s resulting in the dot-com bubble. The bursting of the dot-com bubble was a shot across the bow of the "committee to save the world" but the warning went unheeded. The Federal Reserve moderated the downturn beginning in 2000 by lowering interest rates and they remained low. U.S. banks took advantage of deregulation and low interest rates to speculate and to increase their leverage, especially in the mortgage market, while hedging the additional risks in the fast growing OTC derivatives market. As the resulting real estate bubble grew, the notional value of OTC derivatives exceeded $600 trillion on a global basis (more than ten times world GDP) and financial services industry profits expanded to 40% of S&P 500 business profits.

The price of gold had begun to move up after having made a historic low in June of 2001 and, in 2006, the price of crude oil began to rise at an accelerating rate revealing a fundamental flaw of de-coupling interest rates from prices. The flaw was that the Federal Reserve had absolutely no control over the flow of increased liquidity resulting from its policies. The "committee to save the world" was flooding the world with cheap U.S. dollars. Increased liquidity linked to low interest rates was fueling unprecedented levels of financial speculation and increasing the risk and magnitude of asset price bubbles, such as the dot-com bubble and the real estate bubble. To make matters worse, excessive monetary expansion was weakening confidence in the U.S. dollar.

Pressured by rising oil prices, the U.S. economy began to roll over in 2007. As the U.S. housing bubble began to burst, beginning with sub-prime loans, the price of West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude oil hit an all-time high of $145 in June 2008. Roughly four months later, a financial crisis far larger than that of 1929 began to take place, i.e., the bursting of the largest credit bubble and monetary expansion in the history of the world. In October 2008 Greenspan testified before the U.S. Congress saying "...I found a flaw...in the model that I perceived is the critical functioning structure that defines how the world works..."

Quantifying the Crisis

The policy responses of the U.S. federal government and of the Federal Reserve (under Chairman Ben S. Bernanke since 2005) to the financial crisis and to the so-called Great Recession were radically inflationary. The Federal Reserve loaned $16 trillion to financial institutions worldwide and $7.77 trillion to U.S. banks and corporations. The Federal Reserve also purchased roughly $1 trillion worth of toxic mortgage backed securities (MBS) from banks and monetized a total of roughly $800 billion of U.S. federal debt, expanding its balance sheet from $900 billion before the crisis to $2.7 trillion.

In the face of the most severe economic decline since the Great Depression, the U.S. federal government embarked on a $700 billion economic stimulus plan, despite the fact that tax revenues were falling. In addition to an initial $800 billion bailout package, government sponsored entities Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were taken into receivership, making the U.S. federal government liable for roughly $5 trillion of mortgage debt. In 2009, the total liabilities of the federal government were estimated to be as high as $23.7 trillion by then Special Inspector General for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (SIGTARP), Neil Barofsky. As a result, U.S. federal government debt increased sharply and, in 2011, the U.S. credit rating was downgraded for the first time in history.

Loss of value in the U.S. dollar, caused by radically inflationary monetary policies, set off a global currency war in 2009 and pushed global commodity prices higher than they would otherwise have been. Higher crude oil prices, despite lower demand, slowed economic recovery. At the same time, high debt levels, bank bailouts, soaring government budget deficits and falling tax revenues produced a sovereign debt crisis in Europe. Although the focus of the still developing sovereign debt crisis remains on Europe, the skyrocketing debt and unfunded Social Security and Medicare liabilities of the U.S. federal government, estimated to be more than $63 trillion, foreshadow a similar crisis in America.

The Trap of Financial Warfare

One of the key reasons why the U.S. has yet to experience a sovereign debt crisis is that the world reserve currency status of the U.S. dollar supports demand for the U.S. dollar and for U.S. federal government debt. However, the U.S. dollar is in the process of gradually losing its world reserve currency status. Global trade is fragmenting into increasingly autonomous trading blocks defined by currencies and trade relations, such as the BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India and China), together with South Africa.

Demand from emerging economies, particularly China, is placing steady upward pressure on the price of crude oil. Higher oil prices resulting from a combination of a weaker U.S. dollar and increased global demand threaten to push the U.S. economy back into recession. Setting aside flat to declining supplies of sweet light crude oil (Peak Oil), the fact that the price of gold has risen roughly 500% in a single decade suggests much higher oil prices in the future.

Iran, which is the world's third largest oil exporter and a major supplier of oil to China, lies outside of U.S. control. Iran refuses to sell oil for U.S. dollars, partly as a consequence of the overthrow of the democratically elected government of Iran in 1953, orchestrated by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, and partly as a consequence of current U.S. policies in the Middle East.

In March of 2012, the U.S. unilaterally removed Iran from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT) system, effectively cutting it off from world commerce. However, wielding the U.S. dollar's world reserve currency status as a blunt instrument could be counterproductive in the current international climate. If the U.S. dollar were to lose its world reserve currency status over a short period of time, a U.S. sovereign debt crisis would be certain and a catastrophic collapse of the U.S. dollar, i.e., hyperinflation, would be possible.

Having taken a decision to act unilaterally against Iran, the U.S. may be forced to resort to more extreme measures if the world reserve currency status of the U.S. dollar begins to break down. Of course, the U.S. does not control the oil trade solely through financial means. With Israel as a close ally, Iraq and Afghanistan occupied by U.S. forces, close ties with Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and other Middle Eastern countries, Iran is surrounded by more than 40 U.S. military installations.

A successful invasion of Iran would eliminate the largest non U.S. dollar oil exporter, delaying the breakdown of the U.S. dollar's status as the world reserve currency. Although a war with Iran would cause a spike in oil prices, U.S. control of Iran's oil would increase the supply of oil available for purchase in U.S. dollars, which would bring the U.S. dollar price of oil down and enhance the ability of the U.S. to manage the price of oil to meet the needs of the U.S. economy. Controlling a major supplier of crude oil to China and India would give the U.S. additional leverage to support the U.S. dollar and U.S. debt, as well as a means of influencing the policies and economic growth of the two largest nations. The option of invasion, however, may be time limited. If Iran were to eventually obtain nuclear weapons, the risks involved in a U.S. invasion would escalate.

As an alternative to invasion, a limited U.S. military action might involve surgical strikes on Iranian nuclear research and power facilities, as well as on Iranian military forces that pose a threat to the U.S. military. Destroying Iranian nuclear facilities and suppressing potential counterstrikes also suggests neutralizing Iran's threat of disrupting the oil trade by closing the Straight of Hormuz. Thus, a limited U.S. military action would involve military operations on a scale not seen since the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

A limited U.S. military action might leave a weakened Iranian regime in place after the conflict and reignite the moderate, pro-democracy Green Movement that was brutally suppressed in 2009. Regime change from within might restore democracy to Iran after twenty six years of U.S.-imposed monarchy and more than three decades of quasi-democratic religious oligarchy. However, regime change is unlikely to result in the sale of Iranian oil in U.S. dollars or to extend the reign of the U.S. dollar as the world reserve currency. A preemptive strike by the U.S. could also strengthen political support for the current Iranian regime.

There seems to be no political will in Washington D.C. to change course from a U.S. military conflict with Iran, despite the fact that a U.S. attack on Iran will increase anti-U.S. sentiment in the region and amplify the Islamic extremist dimension of the U.S.-led War on Terror. The drumbeat to war in the U.S. news media is loud and clear and, if history is any guide, the U.S. will soon, e.g., after the 2012 presidential election, "cry havoc and let slip the dogs of war".

How the U.S. Will Become a 3rd World Country (Part 2)

Ron Hera — Sun, 01 Jul 2012 19:50:00 GMT

The United States is quickly coming to resemble a post industrial neo-3rd-world country. Unemployment, lack of economic opportunity, falling real wages and household incomes, growing poverty and increasing concentration of wealth are major trends in the U.S. today. Behind these growing problems are monetary inflation created by the Federal Reserve's monetary policies, federal government deficit spending and the dominant influence of "too big to fail" banks and large corporations in Washington D.C., which has altered the direction of law in the United States. To make matters worse, the U.S. government faces a historic fiscal crisis.

High unemployment, lack of economic opportunity, low wages, widespread poverty, extreme concentration of wealth, unsustainable government debt, control of the government by international banks and multinational corporations, weak rule of law and counterproductive policies are defining characteristics of 3rd world countries. Other factors include poor public health, nutrition and education, as well as lack of infrastructure-factors that deteriorate rapidly in a failing economy.

Apparently ineffective regulation and relatively little law enforcement action by the federal government in the wake of the sub-prime mortgage meltdown resulted in widespread speculation that special interests had taken priority over the rule of law. Critics have also charged that the federal government's policies threaten to eliminate what remains of the American middle class.

Accelerating Concentration of Wealth

In response to the economic downturn that began in 2007 and the start of the financial crisis in 2008, the U.S. federal government and the Federal Reserve resorted to a radically inflationary policy intended to save banks and to shepherd the U.S. economy through a recession. Instead, radically inflationary policies greatly increased the concentration of wealth.

Under ordinary circumstances, monetary inflation has the effect of redistributing wealth in favor of those who receive newly created money first. The value of money is reduced as a function of the number of currency units in the economy but recipients of newly created money can spend it before it loses value. In a declining economy, however, the wealth redistribution effects of inflation are magnified.

When the Federal Reserve or the federal government supports banks and financial markets through liquidity injections, bailouts, asset purchases, quantitative easing, etc., the lion's share of financial support, i.e., newly created money, is captured by the largest financial institutions and by the wealthiest 1% of Americans. Money printing skews the distribution of money over the economy while the value of money, i.e., the purchasing power of wages and savings, is reduced. The overall effect is a wealth transfer from proverbial Main Street to literal Wall Street.

Looming Fiscal Crisis

U.S. government debt and deficit spending have markedly accelerated over the past decade. For example, The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was created and the U.S. military grew to 3 million active duty and reserve personnel, not including contractors. Since 2001, the U.S. spent approximately $1 trillion on military expansion while the total cost of the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq has been estimated to exceed $3.7 trillion.

Although the U.S. federal government remains in denial, the Congressional debt ceiling debate and subsequent U.S. credit rating downgrade on August 5, 2011 were only the tip of the iceberg. In fact, the United States faces a historic fiscal crisis.

As of 2012, the majority of new federal government debt will stem from interest on existing debt. Treasury bond issues totaled $2.55 trillion in 2010, roughly 2x the federal budget deficit of $1.3 trillion. Artificially low U.S. Treasury bond yields, created by the Federal Reserve's quantitative easing (QE1 and QE2) programs and by its current "Operation Twist," only slow the rate at which the federal debt balloons.

The U.S. federal government's fast growing debt is $14.94 trillion, approximately 100% of GDP. Additionally, future liabilities total $66.6 trillion based on generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP accounting) and using official data from the Medicare and Social Security annual reports and from the audited financial report of the federal government.

Medicare: $24.8 trillion
Social Security: $21.4 trillion
Federal debt: $10.2 trillion* (not including intra-governmental obligations)
State, local government obligations: $5.2 trillion
Military retirement/disability benefits: $3.6 trillion
Federal employee retirement benefits: $2 trillion

The eventual insolvency of the U.S. federal government cannot be averted through any combination of taxes, budget cuts or realistic GDP growth. Inflationary policies, i.e., increasing deficit spending by the federal government and debt monetization by the Federal Reserve, would devalue the U.S. dollar and potentially trigger a hyperinflationary collapse of the currency. To stave off the inevitable, interim measures might include tax increases, exchange controls, nationalization of pension funds or other measures similar to those taken in 3rd world countries.

Dominant Corporate Influence

In a 2009 radio interview on Elmhurst, Illinois' WJJG 1530 AM, Senator Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) explained that "...the banks-hard to believe in a time when we're facing a banking crisis that many of the banks created-are still the most powerful lobby on Capitol Hill. And they frankly own the place." Senator Durbin was unequivocal in saying that the federal government of the United States is controlled by banks. Simon Johnson, former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), had reached the same conclusion one month earlier in his widely read article The Quiet Coup. Johnson explained that the finance industry had effectively captured the U.S. government, a state of affairs typical of 3rd world countries.

Corporate influence over the political process, as well as over the tax and regulatory policies of the United States, is at an all time high. The federal government is the largest single customer in the U.S. economy and, through taxation or regulation, the government can grant or deny market access to private companies and can either prevent or mandate the consumption of their products and services. As a result, virtually every large corporation in the United States seeks to win the government's business and to steer government tax policies and regulations in their favor. Naturally, politicians who accede to the wishes of particular corporations are given campaign funds to ensure their reelection. In the past decade, the amount of money spent on lobbying has more than doubled and there are currently 24 lobbyists for every 1 member of Congress.

The interdependence of elected officials and the largest U.S. corporations reached a new high with the 2008 bank bailouts. The influence of private corporations and de facto industrial cartels (comprising the largest corporations in each major industry) over tax and regulatory policies creates significant economic distortions that ultimately compromise the sustainability and the stability of the economy. Ideally, the government would be an impartial referee, rather than an active business partner that overwhelmingly favors large businesses over small businesses, despite the fact that small businesses account for the vast majority of American jobs.

Impact on the Rule of Law

Corruption, cronyism and weak rule of law are typical of 3rd world countries. The United States exhibits a clear corporate influence over elections and legislation and, arguably, relatively little law enforcement action where large, legally well-equipped corporations are concerned. Reports of so-called crony capitalism have appeared in the U.S. news media, but the term "corruption" has been avoided, along with discussion of fundamental reforms.

A cursory examination of legal developments over roughly the past decade evidences a pattern in which U.S. federal law systematically favors the largest financial institutions, as well as a paradigm in which financial institutions heavily influence both the regulations that putatively govern their activities and the laws that apply to consumers of their products and services. The financial crisis that began in 2008 and the subsequent response of the federal government appear to follow logically from prior legislative events:

1999 Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (GLB). The Act repealed key provisions of the Banking Act of 1933, commonly known as the Glass-Steagall Act. In the aftermath of the Great Depression, the Glass-Steagall Act prevented depository institutions from engaging in high risk financial speculation.
2000 The Commodity Futures Modernization Act (CFMA). The Act deregulated over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives, such as credit default swaps, referred to by Warren Buffett as "financial weapons of mass destruction." OTC derivatives were at the heart of the financial crisis that began in 2008 and are the root cause of the "too big to fail" doctrine. The Act preempted state gaming laws that had prevented banks from speculating in OTC derivatives with no connection to underlying assets.
2001 USA PATRIOT Act. The financial provisions of the Act allow banks to collect additional financial information about account holders, for example, linking business accounts to the personal financial records of business owners, thus weakening both financial privacy and the corporate veil. The Act enhances the ability of creditors to collect and allows federal authorities to monitor financial transactions and to obtain financial records without a subpoena.
2005 Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act (BAPCPA). The Act, which was sponsored by banks and credit card companies, effectively eliminated the concept of a "fresh start" by allowing banks and credit card companies to engage in collections activities, in effect, forever. As a result, small business owners who end in bankruptcy are less likely to ever start another business. The Act places banks in front of bankruptcy courts, creates liabilities for bankruptcy attorneys and contains many widely criticized, anti-consumer provisions.
2008 Emergency Economic Stabilization Act. The Act, commonly referred to as a "bank bailout," authorized the United States Secretary of the Treasury to spend $700 billion to purchase distressed assets, especially mortgage-backed securities (MBS). Instead, the funds were given to foreign and domestic banks to offset their risky MBS, OTC derivatives and other losses. The bank bailout set a precedent of socializing losses but keeping gains private. The Act effectively bound the fate of the U.S. Treasury to that of the largest U.S. financial institutions.
2010 Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. The Supreme Court of the United States held that corporate funding of independent political broadcasts in candidate elections cannot be limited under the First Amendment, overruling prior case law and guaranteeing the ability of corporations to influence elections without meaningful restrictions. The Court's decision gave carte blanche to corporations to influence elections, legitimized the interdependence of elected officials and large corporations and created a precedent under which the rights of corporations supersede those of citizens.
2010 The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. The Act failed to restore critical provisions of the Glass-Steagall Act, significantly regulate OTC derivatives, break up "too big to fail" banks, prevent another financial crisis and prevent further bailouts. The Act created a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, but did not repeal any provision of BAPCPA or restore the financial privacy of U.S. citizens removed by the USA PATRIOT Act. The Act failed to provide adequate funding to the government's watchdogs, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), potentially hobbling enforcement. The Act has also been criticized for the burden it places on smaller competitors in the financial sector, which could ultimately result in an increased concentration of financial power in "too big to fail" banks.

Critics have alleged that, underlying the sub-prime mortgage meltdown that triggered the financial crisis in 2008 was rampant fraud. Fraud has been alleged at virtually every level from the assessment of property values and credit risk; to the loans themselves and to their securitization as MBS assets; to the ratings of MBS assets as AAA; to hedging or betting against MBS assets in the OTC derivatives market (perhaps including financial firms allegedly betting against MBS assets that they themselves created and sold to clients as AAA assets). After the crisis, a seeming pattern of fraud continued apparently unabated in the robo-signing foreclosure scandal where documents submitted to courts were falsified. Despite an avalanche of alleged crimes under existing federal law, no firm or individual of any significance in the financial crisis has yet been prosecuted.

President Barack Obama said in October 2011 that the mortgage finance practices leading to the economic meltdown were "immoral, inappropriate and reckless ... but not necessarily illegal." Since fraud is, in fact, illegal, critics claim that the U.S. federal government has simply failed to enforce the law. Adding fuel to the fire, the Solyndra loan scandal could be construed to suggest corruption at high levels and the MF Global debacle could be construed as indicative of weak regulation and law enforcement and even of questionable market integrity.

In theory, selective enforcement of the law risks the creation of two sets of laws: one for big banks and corporations, and for their executives, i.e., those with connections in Washington D.C. or on Wall Street, and one for everyone else. Among other things, failure to enforce the law could create an environment in which crime pays, but, for ordinary citizens, hard work, prudent financial decision making, saving and investing for the long term do not.

More than any other aspect of America's progression towards 3rd world status, the federal government's low level of law enforcement action where "too big to fail" banks are concerned is perhaps the most insidious because it raises questions of legitimacy and of the social contract. A financial and legal system of moral hazard implies that victims face double jeopardy while they are deprived of legal recourse, i.e., those allegedly defrauded might face inflation and tax burdens stemming from preferential treatment of favored corporations or from further bailouts.

Destructive Tax Policies

In the face of rising government debt, the rapidly shrinking American middle class is the primary target of the U.S. federal government's tax policies. The eventual extinction of the American middle class would be a key milestone along the road to 3rd world status. Current U.S. tax policies favor the largest corporations and this is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future. Although tax increases exacerbate economic downturns, several tax options have been or are being discussed. However, none of them are likely to be put in place.

Increasing taxes on corporate profits would result in job losses in the short term and would affect dividends and share prices in the stock market. Lower dividends or share prices would affect pension funds, including government pension funds.
Increasing taxes on capital gains would impact the non-tax-exempt investments of the now retiring "baby boomer" generation and would reduce capital formation thus reducing investment in new businesses or business expansion and hampering job growth.
Increasing payroll taxes would cause companies to downsize resulting in job losses and would have a chilling effect on hiring.
A Value Added Tax (VAT) is impractical in the United States because countless special taxes already exist at all levels of the supply chain. To prevent unpredictable, disruptive consequences, implementing a VAT would require years of study and comprehensive tax reform.
A national sales tax is undesirable because it would overlap and interfere with already existing state sales taxes, which are highly inconsistent across states.
Carbon taxes remain possible but they would encumber businesses and result in job losses or reduce hiring.

Chief among the remaining possibilities is the income tax but, according to the Tax Policy center at the Urban Institute, Brookings Institution, 46% of American households will pay no federal income tax in 2011. The reasons include income tax exemptions for subsistence level income, dependents and nontaxable tax expenditures for senior citizens and low-income working families with children.

Assuming that big banks, multinational corporations and the wealthiest 1% of Americans remain off limits in terms of tax policy, the range of income taxed is likely to widen from the current tax on households earning more than $250,000 per year to progressively lower income levels. In fact, the government's intended revenue source is precisely what remains of the once much larger middle class: professionals, small business owners and dual income families in urban areas, etc. These are the households that have managed to stay ahead of inflation, declining real wages and falling household incomes.

Among other things, U.S. tax policies will erode capital formation within the remnants of the middle class, which is the engine of small business creation and the source of most American jobs. The eventual result will be a three-tier socioeconomic structure consisting of a super rich wealthy class, a much poorer working class and a massive, politically and financially disenfranchised underclass, similar to that of a 3rd world country.

Via Dolorosa

The United States increasingly resembles a 3rd world country in terms of unemployment, lack of economic opportunity, falling wages, growing poverty and concentration of wealth, government debt, corporate influence over government and weakening rule of law. Federal Reserve monetary policies and federal government economic, regulatory and tax policies seem to favor the largest banks and corporations over the interests of small businesses or of the general population. The potential elimination of the middle class could reshape the socioeconomic strata of American society in the image of a 3rd world country. It seems only a matter of time before the devolution of the United States becomes more visible. As the U.S. economy continues to decline, public health, nutrition and education, as well as the country's infrastructure, will visibly deteriorate. There is little evidence of political will or leadership for fundamental reforms. All other things being equal, the U.S. will become a post industrial neo-3rd-world country by 2032.

How the U.S. Will Become a 3rd World Country (Part 1)

Ron Hera — Sun, 01 Jul 2012 19:44:00 GMT

The United States is increasingly similar to a 3rd world county in several ways and is accelerating towards 3rd world status. Economic data indicate a harsh reality that obviates mainstream political debate. The evidence suggests that, without fundamental reforms, the U.S. will become a post industrial neo-3rd-world country by 2032.

Fundamental characteristics that define a 3rd world country include high unemployment, lack of economic opportunity, low wages, widespread poverty, extreme concentration of wealth, unsustainable government debt, control of the government by international banks and multinational corporations, weak rule of law and counterproductive government policies. All of these characteristics are evident in the U.S. today.

Other factors include poor public health, nutrition and education, as well as lack of infrastructure. Public health and nutrition in the U.S., while below European standards, stand well above those of 3rd world countries. American public education now ranks behind poorer countries, like Estonia, but remains superior to that of 3rd world countries. While crumbling infrastructure can be seen in cities across America, the vast infrastructure of the United States cannot be compared to a 3rd world country. However, all of these factors will rapidly deteriorate in a declining economy.

Unemployment and Lack of Economic Opportunity

Unemployment, which is a deep, structural problem in the U.S., is a fundamental challenge to economic opportunity. The U.S. labor market is in a long-term downward trend linked to globalization, i.e., offshoring of manufacturing, outsourcing of jobs and deindustrialization.

The U.S. workforce has declined by approximately 6.5% since its year 2000 peak to roughly 58.2% of working age adults and the U.S. now suffers chronic unemployment of 9.1%. Although the workforce grew in the 1980s and 1990s, as dual income families became the norm, the size of the workforce is shrinking due to a lack of economic opportunity.

Officially, long-term unemployment is 16.5% and the ranks of the long-term unemployed (those jobless for 27 weeks and over) include 5.9 million, 42.4% of those unemployed. However, prior to the Clinton administration, unemployment measures included workers who are now no longer counted as part of the workforce. Using the more accurate pre-Clinton criteria, unemployment exceeds 22%, only 3% below the worst point (24.9%) of the Great Depression. For countries with populations greater than 2 million, Macedonia leads the world with 33.8% unemployment, followed by Armenia at 28.6%, Algeria at 27.3% and the West Bank and the Gaza Strip both at 25.7%.

Compounding the unemployment problem is the fact that an entire generation of young Americans is being left behind in terms of economic opportunity. Student loans exceed $1 trillion while the labor force participation rate for those aged 16 to 29 who are working or looking for work fell to 48.8% in 2011, the lowest level ever recorded. Lack of economic opportunity among the youth, including millions of unemployed college graduates, is a political wildcard reminiscent of countries like Tunisia.

The structural decline of the U.S. labor market will continue as American workers are merged into a global labor pool in which they cannot yet directly compete for jobs with workers in countries like China and India. In China, for example, gross pay, in terms of purchasing power parity, is equivalent to approximately $514 per month, 57% below the U.S. poverty line. According to the Economic Policy Institute, the U.S. trade deficit with China alone caused a loss of 2.8 million U.S. jobs since 2001.

Falling Real Wages and Household Incomes

Workers earning more dollars are actually poorer in terms of purchasing power when the cost of living rises faster than wages,. In fact, if household income is adjusted for inflation, most American families have grown significantly poorer over the past ten years. In 2010, for example, real median household income fell 2.3%. Although the average wage has risen steadily in nominal terms, dwindling purchasing power is a reality for most Americans. When adjusted for inflation, the wages of most Americans have not kept up with the Consumer Price Index (CPI).

According to famed economist Milton Friedman, "inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon." In other words, prices rise when the money supply is increased faster than population or sustainable economic activity. Apparent economic growth created through credit expansion, i.e., by increasing the money supply, has a temporary stimulative effect but also causes prices to rise. True Money Supply is an accurate measure of inflation.

Although CPI is sufficient to illustrate declining real wages, CPI does not measure the cost of living in a realistic way. According to economist John Williams of Shadow Government Statistics, CPI systematically understates inflation.

The decline in real household income has set Americans back to 1996 levels, despite many households now having two incomes rather than one. Dual income families accounted for much of the increase in real median household income during the 1980s and 1990s, but, today, two incomes are barely better than one income was three decades ago. The decline in real wages was obfuscated in the 1980s and 1990s by growth in the workforce, e.g., by women entering the workforce. Real median household income rose while real wages declined because more households had two incomes. As U.S. wages and household income continue to fall in real terms, both poverty and reliance on government assistance programs will continue to rise.

Growing Poverty

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the poverty rate in the United States rose to 15.7% in 2011, with 47.8 million Americans living in poverty (1 in 6). The official poverty line, determined by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, is $22,314 for a family of four. The number of families living in poverty has risen sharply since 2006 and continues to climb. The U.S. Department of Agriculture's Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), commonly known as "food stamps," serves 45.8 million households as of May 2011. The program now feeds 1 in 8 Americans and nearly 1 in 4 children.

Based on the outlook for employment and wages, both poverty and reliance on government assistance programs will continue to grow. However, the negative trends in employment, wages and poverty have not affected all Americans equally. In fact, the household income and wealth of the wealthiest Americans has increased sharply, despite the overall deterioration of the U.S. economy.

Increasing Concentration of Wealth

Alan Greenspan, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve, warned that, "Ultimately, we are interested in the question of relative standards of living and ... trends in the distribution of wealth, which, more fundamentally than earnings or income, represents a measure of the ability of households to consume." In other words, concentration of wealth undermines the consumer base of the economy, causing GDP to decline and resulting in unemployment, which reduces living standards. Obviously, the total wealth of society is reduced when wealth is highly concentrated because there is a lower overall level of economic activity.

Economic data from several sources, including the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), show that wealth and income in the United States have become increasingly concentrated with the wealthiest 1% of Americans owning 38.2% of stock market assets, e.g., shares of businesses. For the wealthiest 1% of Americans, household income tripled between 1979 and 2007 and has continued to increase while household wealth in the United States has fallen by $7.7 trillion. The Gini Coefficient illustrates the growing disparity in income distribution. In terms of the Gini Coefficient, the United States is now at parity with China and will soon overtake Mexico, a still developing country. It should be noted, of course, that the U.S. remains a far wealthier country overall. If the current trend continues, however, the U.S. will resemble a 3rd world country, in terms of the disparity in income distribution, in approximately two decades, i.e., by 2032.

Welcome to the 3rd World

The United States is quickly becoming a post industrial neo-3rd-world country. Partly as a consequence of worsening unemployment and lack of economic opportunity, falling real wages and household incomes, growing poverty and increasing concentration of wealth, the U.S. government faces a historic fiscal crisis. Dominant corporate influence over the U.S. government, particularly by large banks, weakening rule of law at the federal level and destructive tax policies are compounding the economic problems facing the United States. Barring fundamental reforms or a hyperinflationary collapse of the U.S. dollar (due to the fiscal problems of the U.S. government), the deterioration of the U.S. economy will continue and accelerate. As the U.S. economy continues its decline, public health, nutrition and education, as well as the country's infrastructure, will visibly deteriorate and the 3rd world status of the United States will become apparent.

Interview: Jim Rogers on Currencies and Inflation

Ron Hera — Fri, 04 Jun 2010 19:26:00 GMT

The Hera Research Newsletter (HRN) is pleased to present the following exclusive interview with legendary international investor, best selling author, adventurer and family man Jim Rogers, Chairman of Rogers Holdings and founder of the Rogers International Commodity Index (RICI). Jim Rogers’ commentaries on economics and finance have been featured in Time, The Washington Post, The New York Times, Barron’s, Forbes, Fortune, The Wall Street Journal, The Financial Times and other major publications, and he appears regularly on television networks around the world.

After growing up in Demopolis, Alabama, and earning degrees from Yale and Oxford Universities, where he studied politics, philosophy and economics, Jim Rogers co-founded the Quantum Fund in 1970, which gained 4200% over a 10-year period, during which the S&P advanced approximately 47%. After retiring at age 37, he managed his own portfolio while serving as a guest professor of finance at the Columbia University Graduate School of Business and as the moderator of WCBS’ “The Dreyfus Roundtable” and host of the Financial News Network’s (FNN) “The Profit Motive with Jim Rogers.”

Between 1990 and 1992, Jim Rogers fulfilled his lifelong dream of motorcycling across six continents in a 150,000 kilometer journey that won him a place in the Guinness Book of World Records. He also undertook a Millennium Adventure in which he traveled around the world in 1101 days, passing through 116 countries and traversing more than 245,000 kilometers.

Jim Rogers’ English language books include Investment Biker: On the Road with Jim Rogers (1994), Adventure Capitalist: The Ultimate Road Trip (2003), Hot Commodities: How Anyone Can Invest Profitably in the World's Best Market (2007), A Bull in China (2008), and A Gift to My Children: A Father's Lessons for Life and Investing (2009).

Hera Research Newsletter (HRN): Thank you for speaking with us today. Let’s start with the world reserve currency. What do you think about the International Monetary Fund (IMF) replacing the US dollar as the world reserve currency with Special Drawing Rights (SDRs)?

Jim Rogers: The world didn’t have an IMF for a few thousand years. The IMF was founded after the Second World War to take care of any short-term currency needs that countries might have. It turned out pretty quickly that they didn’t have very many as the world recovered from the war, so the IMF found other things to do. They now have thousands of employees and have manufactured jobs for themselves. They’ve not had much success, if you look back over the past 60 years. Nearly everything they’ve done was wrong. Why do we need the IMF? It’s not 1945 anymore.

HRN: Rather than using a national currency as the world reserve currency, what about a global central bank?

Jim Rogers: That’s not what the IMF is, first of all, but even if they were, we certainly don’t need a central bank for the whole world. We never had one and the world got along pretty well for thousands of years without bureaucrats taking the world’s money. I’ve never added up how much the IMF has spent during the last 60 years but it must be a staggering amount, and for what good? I mean, we certainly haven’t gotten anything out of it. We haven’t gotten nearly as much for our money as they have spent.

HRN: So, you wouldn’t agree with using IMF SDRs as the world reserve currency?

Jim Rogers: I’m sure the world does need to replace the US dollar. I’m not the only one who knows that. The US dollar is a terribly, terribly flawed currency. The US is the largest debtor nation in the history of the world. Something has got to be done. We cannot continue with a currency which is so deeply flawed and something is going to have to be changed. Special Drawing Rights, I don’t know. It could work. I don’t know what’s going to work. Most people, however, want to have something in their hands that they think they can spend. A Special Drawing Right is pretty amorphous and, while some professors and some bankers may understand them, I suspect that most people in the world will not understand Special Drawing Rights and will not be terribly enthusiastic, if that’s what happens. So, I would suspect it wouldn’t last. You know, I cannot imagine that a Special Drawing Right, which has no real existence, could survive a crisis or two. Human beings just don’t think that way, I’m afraid.

HRN: Would you advocate a commodity-backed reserve currency instead?

Jim Rogers: Reserve currencies can be anything that you want. The problem with paper money is that it’s easy to debase and abuse. As I said, the US is the largest debtor nation in the history of the world. They keep printing the stuff. The UK, once upon a time, had the world reserve currency. They abused it mightily. Eventually the world just said “no, we’re not going to take sterling anymore” and rightly so. So, in my view, that’s the problem with paper money. Now, gold has its own problems too. Gold didn’t survive very long either as the world reserve currency since politicians kept changing the rules. Unfortunately, politicians know how to abuse and destroy. One can think of various and sundry solutions. My only worry is that, no matter what mankind has come up with in the past, politicians have always found a way to abuse it and debase it.

HRN: Do you think a return to the gold standard would constrain government abuse?

Jim Rogers: Well, it never has. The Romans had precious metals as their currency and do you know the term “debase”? The Roman politicians had the brilliant idea that if a coin was 100% pure precious metal, they could slip a little base metal in and, over a couple of hundred years, they went from 100% pure precious metal to almost 0%. That’s where the term “debase” comes from. So, we’ve tried it.

HRN: You mentioned that the US is the largest debtor nation in the history of the world. Do you think that will lead to high inflation or hyperinflation in the US?

Jim Rogers: Well, there will be inflation. First, you have to have inflation before you can have hyperinflation. I mean, we have inflation now. If you go to the shop, whether it’s groceries, or education or insurance or health care, prices are going up for everything. The government lies about it in the US. Some countries lie, many countries don’t: Australia, China, India and Norway. Many countries don’t lie about it and acknowledge that we have inflation. Others lie about it, the UK and the US, but if you go shopping you know prices are up.

HRN: Are you saying that the American Consumer Price Index (CPI) published by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics is a lie?

Jim Rogers: In my opinion, yes, of course it is. Have you looked at it? They’ve changed their accounting several times in the past few decades. When housing was 20% to 25% of the CPI and housing was going up, they didn’t count it, saying rents weren’t going up, and then when home prices started going down, they counted it. It’s the same with many things. It’s staggering some of the tortuous reasoning that the BLS has used over the past 25 or 30 years. When the price of gasoline goes up, they say it’s not really going up because it’s better gasoline, better quality, therefore you’re getting more for your money. I mean, it’s endless, the stuff that they say and for some reason people sit there, although more and more people are catching on, and accept what the government says. As I said, in other countries, they acknowledge that there’s inflation. I don’t know how there could be inflation in Australia and not in the US; how you can have inflation in Norway or India and not in the US, but the US says there’s no inflation.

HRN: An article in the Telegraph by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard reported this week that the US Federal Reserve’s M3 monetary aggregate is estimated to be contracting at an accelerating rate, in other words, deflation.

Jim Rogers: What’s going down in price in the US economy? I’d like to know where you shop. We know home prices are down. Oil prices are down to $73 per barrel, if you’re talking about a monthly or quarterly basis, or even an annual basis. I’m talking about what’s going on in the big picture. Where is the deflation in the US?

HRN: Some people believe a contraction of M3 indicates deflation.

Jim Rogers: Is M3 something you buy in a shop? M3 can lead to changes in the price structure, but M3 is not price inflation or deflation.

HRN: That’s a good point. Inflation is a concern in Europe and the Euro seems to be in trouble. Can the Euro survive?

Jim Rogers: I certainly expect the Euro to be around in 2012 or 2013, but whether it’ll be around in 2023, I don’t know. It’s becoming more and more a political currency. It wasn’t always. In the beginning, it wasn’t a political currency. It was designed to be a rock solid currency, but, since then, it’s become a political currency and most political agreements or political institutions don’t last. No currency union has ever lasted. It’s been tried before. I wish the Euro would survive. The world needs something to compete with the dollar. The Euro, on paper, makes enormous sense, but, unfortunately, the people who wrote that contract back in 1992 are all gone now and the new guys all want to buy votes. So, I would like to see the Euro survive, but, in reality, I don’t see how it can.

HRN: So, you expect more inflation in Europe?

Jim Rogers: Yes. Printing money has always led to inflation, eventually. When things go wrong, governments have always printed money, at least in the last few decades. That’s all they know and they will do it again. There will be times, obviously, when the printing presses slow down or even stop but when things get bad again they start over, and that’s all they know.

HRN: I’ve read that China is experiencing high inflation.

Jim Rogers: There is inflation in China. There are many places that are reporting inflation. It’s dumbfounding to me that many countries have inflation and the US doesn’t. That’s because some governments lie and some governments don’t.

HRN: It’s been widely reported that Chinese real estate is in a bubble. Do you think that’s true?

Jim Rogers: In urban, coastal real estate there certainly was a bubble. That’s not the whole of China. Have you ever looked at a map of China? Do you consider urban, coastal real estate the Chinese economy? Where’s the bubble? Other real estate in China has, for the most part, had very little movement.

HRN: Do you think China’s economic growth is sustainable?

Jim Rogers: Is it sustainable, yes; every quarter, every year, of course not. You know, in the United States in the 19^th century, we had 15 depressions, a horrible civil war, no human rights, massacres in the streets and very little rule of law, and yet, out of that, we had a pretty successful 20^th century. China is going to have many, many problems as they rise. I don’t know what and I don’t know when, but I know it’s going to happen. I don’t see any other country on the horizon that is going to have, long term, a sustainable, good future in the 21^st century.

HRN: You’ve talked about inflation, pointed out problems with the US dollar and the Euro, and described the rise of China. How can citizens of Western countries protect their wealth?

Jim Rogers: Historically, the best way is to own commodities. Throughout history, the way you protect yourself when currencies are being debased is that you own real goods. Whether that’s silver or cotton or natural gas or whatever it happens to be, you own something that’s a real good. As the value of money is debased, some things will maintain their value and some will even increase.

HRN: Investors seem to be turning to gold as a way to preserve their wealth.

Jim Rogers: Gold has been, historically, a good way to preserve wealth, but so have other things as well. I own gold. Gold is making all-time highs. It certainly has been a way to preserve wealth in the last decade. Whether there are better things in the next decade or not, and I suspect that there will be better things, I do own gold.

HRN: You mentioned silver as a way to preserve wealth but gold seems to be in the spotlight.

Jim Rogers: Let’s put it this way, silver is about 70% below its all-time high. Gold is making all-time highs. Often, one is better off investing in things that are down 70%, rather than things that are making all-time highs.

HRN: Thank you for being so generous with your valuable time.

Jim Rogers: Thank you very much. Contact me any time.

After Words

Jim Rogers doesn’t mince words. When a person as remarkably successful and accomplished as Jim Rogers, and having long experience, states that the official statistics produced by government economists and views expressed in mainstream financial news outlets are incorrect, or disingenuous, one must take pause. Objectively speaking, for a majority of investors, views that are at odds with those of Jim Rogers are probably wrong.

According to Jim Rogers, the US dollar is deeply flawed because the US is the biggest debtor nation in the history of the world and, although an alternative currency is needed, the Euro will not survive in the long run because it has become political and IMF SDRs will probably not last as a reserve currency in the face of significant global economic crises. Long-term trends point to inflation and to the sustainability of China’s economic growth, as well as to China’s ascent as a world power. As prices inevitably, eventually rise due to inflation, real goods stand out as a time tested way to preserve wealth and to profit from changing economic conditions. In simple terms, currencies can be printed but real things cannot.

Bernanke’s Dilemma: Hyperinflation and the US Dollar

Ron Hera — Wed, 10 Mar 2010 13:13:00 GMT

Ben Bernanke, Chairman of the US Federal Reserve, faces a Sisyphean task because US banks are experiencing debt deflation and, because lending is now at much lower levels, monetary deflation is encumbering the domestic US economy as existing debts continue to be serviced. Government deficit spending can only offset lower consumer spending to a degree, and the mushrooming debt of the US government raises the question of whether the US can repay or roll over its debt obligations, given that tax receipts are likely to fall. Despite deflationary pressure, the value of the US dollar is in a downtrend pointing to higher prices for imported goods and energy. Devaluing the US dollar will reduce the value of debts in real terms, thus it can make debt levels sustainable, but higher prices will exacerbate debt defaults, worsening the condition of US banks. Mr. Bernanke's dilemma is how to salvage the balance sheets of US banks without sparking high inflation or unleashing hyperinflation.

Where the US dollar is concerned, opinions on hyperinflation range from the view that hyperinflation of the world reserve currency is impossible in principle (because, for example, the values of other currencies are linked to that of the US dollar), to the view that hyperinflation of the US dollar has already happened and that all that remains are the consequences. The two most widely accepted theories of hyperinflation are the monetary model, where a positive feedback cycle is caused by a disproportionate increase in the velocity of money as a consequence of increasing the money supply too quickly, and the confidence model, where the monetary authority issuing a given currency is perceived to be insolvent or no longer legitimate.

The view that hyperinflation is the inevitable result of a central bank issuing too much money or of a government taking on too much debt, while correct, both states the obvious and presupposes that some previously known or predictable limit is reached. The ability to service debt is one such measure, but the value of a debt in real terms depends on the value of the currency. In practice, hyperinflation is recognized only after the inexorable death spiral of a currency has begun. Detecting it in advance is another matter entirely.

Mathematical models of hyperinflation, such as predicting years between redenomination based on inflation rates or applying the quantity theory of money, describe what is happening but not why. Using the monetary model alone makes it difficult to explain apparent counterexamples where high levels of sovereign debt compared to a nation's gross domestic product (GDP) or monetization did not result in hyperinflation.

The confidence model seems to suggest that hyperinflation can be explained by crowd psychology where hyperinflation is analogous to a market mania or is an example of mass hysteria. The idea that hyperinflation is only a crisis of confidence, i.e., that it is a psychological phenomenon, not only lacks predictive value but implies that hyperinflation can be prevented by manipulating public opinion regardless of mathematical realities.

When a nation's bond market collapses, so does its currency. The view that hyperinflation is fundamentally caused by failed bond issues suggests that what is of interest are the reasons why a nation's bond market breaks down, along with indications of developing bond market distress.

One fact that is clear in every historical example of hyperinflation is the rejection of the currency of a given country either by other countries or by its own citizens. The simplest explanation of hyperinflation is that when the credibility of a government, or of its central bank, breaks down, the recognition of this fact is expressed as a race to shed the currency and to divest of the government's bonds. One way to evaluate the possibility of hyperinflation is therefore to gauge the transparency, completeness and veracity of government and central bank statements regarding their balance sheets, budgets and bond issues. Incomplete or inaccurate information and propaganda contrary to empirical evidence are proverbial red flags signaling that credibility may be lacking and that confidence is therefore misplaced.

Between Scylla and Charybdis

Growth in the US monetary base has been cited as evidence of incipient hyperinflation but, while a distortion in the US financial system is apparent, the currency in question is not in circulation and the effect is that of re-inflation since US banks have suffered massive losses linked to the US mortgage market.

Chart courtesy of Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

The growth in the US monetary base by over $1 trillion since 2008 represents currency held within the banking system on reserve, which increases the ability of US banks to absorb further losses.

Chart courtesy of Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

While more than doubling the US dollar monetary base in less than 2 years is viewed by some as printing too much money, high inflation or hyperinflation have yet to strike. Although money has shifted out of the broad US economy and into the banking system, the excess liquidity exists in the form of bank reserves and, despite the fact that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon, if bank reserves are considered separately from interest rates and lending activity they have little direct impact on prices in the broad US economy. In fact, the widest measure of the US money supply is contracting and the broad US economy is in the grip of debt and monetary deflation.

Chart courtesy of Shadow Government Statistic

In terms of monetary policy, Mr. Bernanke faces an impossible choice. With interest rates near 0% and with unprecedented government debt and deficit spending beyond sustainable levels there is a clear risk of high inflation or hyperinflation if inflationary forces are not counterbalanced with a heavy hand. In theory, high inflation or hyperinflation could be prevented by restricting the flow of money and credit to consumers and businesses. Such a policy would exert deflationary pressure on the US dollar within the domestic US economy since principal and interest payments on existing debt would drain money from circulation. While preventing inflation temporarily, such a policy would not succeed in the long run because, in addition to offsetting inflation, deflation depresses economic activity and results in debt defaults. Concurrent government borrowing and central bank QE to recapitalize banks and sustain government deficit spending (in a Keynesian attempt to compensate for declining consumer and business borrowing), would cause the value of the US dollar to decline against other currencies thus the prices of imported goods would rise. The resulting combination of rising prices for imported goods (energy in particular) and a scarcity of money in the domestic US economy is a formula for business failures and debt defaults that would ultimately worsen the condition of the US economy and US banks regardless of lower prices for domestic goods and services.

Structural Decay

In a mathematically perfect world, growth in the money supply with a constant interest rate and level of lending is a simple exponential function. In theory, this is not problematic but in practice monetary expansion (and the associated debt) tends to grow faster than population or sustainable economic activity and even periodic deflationary episodes are insufficient to maintain a stable currency value.

Chart courtesy of Wikimedia Commons

The tendency to create currency in excess of what is required to support sustainable economic activity causes unsustainable booms where debt rises out of proportion to the ability to service or eventually repay, meaning that total debt in the economy grows faster than the GDP. The result is that for every boom artificially created by monetary expansion there is a corresponding episode of debt and monetary deflation. Nonetheless, the overall pattern of monetary expansion remains clear.

Chart courtesy of Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

From a policy standpoint, restraining debt issuance by private, profit-oriented banks to sustainable levels is impossible in practice because sustainable growth in GDP is an unknown when the interest rates and reserve ratios that moderate lending activity are set. In fact, the goals of the US Federal Reserve, "to promote ... stable prices and moderate long-term interest rates" require the money supply to expand faster than sustainable economic activity:

Sometimes, however, upward pressures on prices are developing as output and employment are softening-especially when an adverse supply shock, such as a spike in energy prices, has occurred. Then, an attempt to restrain inflation pressures would compound the weakness in the economy, or an attempt to reverse employment losses would aggravate inflation. In such circumstances, those responsible for monetary policy face a dilemma and must decide whether to focus on defusing price pressures or on cushioning the loss of employment and output. Adding to the difficulty is the possibility that an expectation of increasing inflation might get built into decisions about prices and wages, thereby adding to inflation inertia and making it more difficult to achieve price stability.

Deflation is anathema because debt defaults harm lenders and governments have no mechanism to tax gains in the value of currency, thus monetary policy always errs toward inflation and over time the result approximates an exponential function. Among the results is the long term devaluation of the currency, which can also be expressed as an exponential function, i.e., exponential decay.

Chart courtesy of Wikimedia Commons

Exponential decay occurs when a quantity, such as the value of a unit of currency, decreases at a rate proportional to its own value. The decay can be expressed as a differential equation where a quantity N decays at a constant rate (a positive number) (lambda) within a given interval of time t.

Central banks implicitly manage the exponential decay in value of their respective currencies while they focus on interest rates, reserve ratios and inflation targets. Although the exponential decay in the value of the US dollar since 1913 has been distorted by episodes of deflation and variations in monetary policy, the overall pattern continues to reflect the structural reality of exponential decay.

Chart courtesy of Federal Reserve Bank of St. Loui

The combination of fiat currency, where currency is created arbitrarily, and central banking, where money and credit are centrally controlled and where there is an inescapable inflationary bias, suggests that all such regimes have a limited lifespan, but this does not allow a hyperinflationary outcome to be predicted. For example, if US citizens had been asked in 1913, when the Federal Reserve was established, if they would use the Federal Reserve's legal tender knowing that $1 would be roughly $0.05 in less than 100 years they would certainly have responded in the negative, but Federal Reserve Notes have not been rejected by the American people. Similarly, there is no necessary or obvious point where the US dollar will be rejected as it continues to decline in value for the same structural reasons. The logical outcome is an eventual redenomination.

Patterns of Hyperinflation

From the perspective of sovereign debt, the commonly understood process of hyperinflation is that if a government responds to declining foreign appetite for its debt with monetization (or in a historical context direct currency debasement) rather than immediate budget cuts, its currency looses value, at first in proportion to the dilution of the money supply and then more quickly as foreign bond holders and the nation's own citizens seek shelter from inflation in other asset classes. The cost of the government's future obligations then tends to rise in nominal terms, creating an apparent need for larger bond issues while bond yields rise, i.e., the cost of borrowing increases since monetization signals greater risk to investors. Exacerbating the problem, tax receipts tend to lag behind as domestic price inflation sets in. Further monetization is the path of least resistance. Although officials certainly believe that monetization is only a temporary measure both confidence in and the credibility of the government fail. Insolvency is eventually recognized as a reality and the nation's currency then collapses entirely.

Economists assume that consumers and businesses respond predictably based on economic incentives and disincentives, but this presupposes that the value of money is stable (at least over the short term). If users of a currency find that it looses value such that savings and wages are perceptibly eroded before they can be utilized at fair value, the rational course of action is to shed the currency as quickly as possible. This sparks a competition to shed currency in favor of real goods and, once the process begins, the rational course of action is to participate in the proverbial rush to the exits. Interestingly, a panic is not required to explain this phenomenon.

In the context of a national economy, the cycle of hyperinflation is driven not precisely by the supply of money but by its velocity because the competition to shed currency concentrates purchasing activity in successively shorter time periods. Within a given interval, more consumers and businesses seek to buy a limited supply of available goods using all available currency, including savings, thus demand is pulled forward while the velocity of money accelerates. If monetary authorities respond by increasing the money supply, the process feeds on itself.

In terms of the quantity theory of money, which is that the money supply has a direct, positive relationship to prices, the equilibrium of prices with the number of items purchased and the money supply with the velocity of money is maintained (where M is the money supply, V is the velocity of money, P is the average price level, and Q is the number of items purchased over a given interval).

The relation holds true even as the value of a currency approaches zero while prices approach infinity. However, while there is no theoretical limit to the money supply, the supply of goods is limited in various ways and shortages of goods spur prices higher, exacerbating the problem.

The competition to shed currency first interacts with prices then with the availability of currency and with the supply of goods. Rising prices result in rising demand for larger amounts and denominations of currency producing a genuine shortage, but increasing the money supply only intensifies the competition to shed currency, like pouring gasoline on a fire.

Crisis of Credibility

A gradual decline in the value of a currency is generally accepted by consumers and businesses because it has little immediate impact and can have short-term benefits, such as making money more accessible and stimulating economic activity and growth. However, when debt increases disproportionately, a deflationary bust is inevitable and if it is postponed by further credit expansion systemic instability results.

Chart courtesy of Karl Denninger

In 1949 Ludwig von Mises pointed out in Human Action (Chapter XX, section 8) that "there is no means of avoiding the final collapse of a boom brought about by credit expansion. The alternative is only whether the crisis should come sooner as the result of a voluntary abandonment of further credit expansion, or later as a final and total catastrophe of the currency system involved."

Among other things, excessive monetary inflation means that the US dollar cannot function as a store of value. Mounting evidence points to systemic instability, a lower US dollar and ultimately to a hyperinflationary outcome:

US federal government debt of $12.3 trillion, unfunded liabilities of $63 trillion, deficit spending of $1.35 trillion for fiscal 2010, and the Obama administration's $3.83 trillion budget all set new records, while federal income tax revenues are expected to fall for a second consecutive year.
It has been reported that to reduce the cost of borrowing, the maturity of debt issued by the US Department of the Treasury has shifted from the long end of the spectrum toward short term debt. At the same time, episodic flights to the perceived safety of the US dollar by global investors favor short-term Treasuries. This situation creates an escalating risk that the US Treasury will be unable to roll over short term debt and that it will resort to monetization.
7 US states are worse off than the financially troubled European nations of Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain resulting in warnings of a US credit rating downgrade possibly indicating an eventual sovereign default.
Unemployment in the US, where more than 2/3 of GDP is consumer spending, should be viewed as a leading, rather than a trailing indicator, thus the perception of recovery based on slowing unemployment is premature. Reported unemployment data seem to exhibit unusually pronounced disparities between initial claims and later revisions and seasonally adjusted numbers.
The widely reported recovery of the US economy is anemic at best since most of the reported forth quarter 2009 GDP growth is not sustainable and preliminary government economic data remains subject to revision by the US Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA).
The imminent retirement of the so-called baby boomer generation comes with a combined Social Security and Medicare price tag of more than $60 trillion.
US bank failures and balance sheet deterioration together with the inability of banks to mark assets to market due to a growing commercial real estate problem and ongoing residential mortgage loan problems suggest that the financial crisis that began in 2008 is not over.
The suspension of the US Financial Accounting Standards Board's mark to market rule means that the value of mortgage loan portfolios and mortgage-backed securities (MBS) reported by banks are incorrect, which obfuscates leverage and risk while magnifying apparent profits.
Toxic assets still cripple bank balance sheets since the US Department of the Treasury has been unable to successfully carry out its Public-Private Investment Program (PPIP) making taxpayer money available to select investors that can use the money to buy toxic mortgage-backed securities, retaining any profits while putting little of their own money at risk.
The largest US Banks remain the largest holders of financial derivatives, e.g., credit default swaps (CDSs), which suggests that they may hold liabilities far in excess of amounts that can be paid or that can be bailed out if significant losses occur. The CDS market, which is the single largest class of financial derivatives, represents over $600 trillion dollars, a roughly 10x multiple of world GDP.
The Federal Reserve's plans to phase out some of its emergency programs, adding up to roughly $2 trillion currently, leaves other emergency measures in place. The Term Asset-backed Securities Loan Facility (TALF) is set to expire on June 30, 2010 for loans backed by new-issue commercial mortgage-backed securities and on March 31 for loans backed by all other types of collateral but existing loans will not be retired for some time.
Downward pressure on the US dollar caused by the Federal Reserve's near 0% interest rates and ongoing QE has caused a US dollar carry trade affecting asset prices in global markets. While the value of the US dollar has rallied in response to episodic flights to perceived safety in US Treasuries reflecting comparative weakness in the Euro and other currencies, the overall downtrend is persistent, thus the prices of imported goods can be expected to rise.

Rather than a crisis of confidence, hyperinflation results from a crisis of credibility. Hyperinflation results when the social, legal and political structures that create the value of paper money break down. When a government borrows excessively and its promises to repay are contradicted by mathematical realities, the value of its currency cannot be maintained. If a government so lacks credibility that it cannot issue bonds because there are no buyers other than its own central bank, the value of its currency declines faster than money is printed to cover its obligations. Perhaps the most important indicator of impending hyperinflation is whether the statements of a government or of its central bank, e.g., with respect to the government's budget or the central bank's balance sheet, are evidence based or ideological. If they are not evidence based, the credibility of the government or central bank, and its currency, will weaken and eventually fail.

Ordinarily, supply and demand factors govern the value of money and the prices of goods, but money has another, deeper level of value apart from its role as a medium of exchange and unit of account. When money is not redeemable, it is, in effect, a contract and, as such, it can instantly become more worthless than the paper it is printed on if the agreement that gives it value is null and void.

In 1999, referring to the sale of British gold reserves, Alan Greenspan, then Chairman of the US Federal Reserve, said that "Fiat money paper in extremis is accepted by nobody." The reason for this is that there are two fundamental kinds of value. De jure value exists because of, and is dependent upon, social, political and legal arrangements between human beings. In extremis, agreements are often broken and unenforceable. The value of fiat currency and of government bonds are examples of de jure value. Ultimately, de jure value actually exists only in the minds of human beings and does not exist in an absolute sense, in the real world, independent of human belief. De facto value, on the other hand, exists in reality, independent of human thought, e.g., lumber or farmland. The value of real, tangible things of value ultimately devolves to biological survival and to material standards of living. Possessing a physical asset that supports survival does not require human belief in order to have biological value.

When social, political and legal arrangements are strong, reliable and endure over generations de jure value may be preferable for any number of reasons. However, when social, political and legal arrangements prove to be unstable, or fail, de facto value trumps de jure value in every case.

When the balance sheets of US banks are maintained by suspending accounting rules and when banks hold financial derivatives liabilities greater than world GDP, both the stability and credibility of the banks are questionable. When US economic data consistently seems to reflect a Pollyanna bias and the US federal budget contains unrealistic projections of GDP growth and tax revenues, while public debt and government liabilities (which now include unlimited bailouts for government sponsored entities Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac) are obviously unworkable and the US government's own central bank is already a major buyer of US Treasuries, the federal government's credibility is questionable. When private financial losses and toxic financial assets are transferred to taxpayers while profits and bonuses abound on Wall Street thanks to accounting rule changes in the midst of the worst economic contraction since the Great Depression, the credibility and competency of the US Treasury and Congress, with respect to the finances of the nation, are questionable. When the US Federal Reserve defies the US Congress, resists independent auditing, engages in ongoing QE and is the lender of last resort for banks that under normal conditions would be insolvent, its credibility is questionable. When the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, who failed to detect the largest asset price bubble in the history of the world and who has been consistently wrong in his assessment of the US economy is reappointed following the worst financial and economic disaster in generations, both his credibility and that of the Obama administration are questionable. The plethora of red flags spewing from Wall Street, from the Federal Reserve and from the federal government point to a breakdown of de jure value that is already in progress, thus to a hyperinflationary outcome for the US dollar.

The Ultimate Bubble and the Mother of All Carry Trades

Ron Hera — Sun, 31 Jan 2010 15:14:00 GMT

Among the many opinions expressed by billionaire investor George Soros over the course of the 2010 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland was his statement on January 28 in an interview with Maria Bartiromo, host of CNBC's Closing Bell, that "When interest rates are low we have conditions for asset bubbles to develop, and they are developing at the moment. The ultimate asset bubble is gold." New York spot gold closed at $1085.40 down $1.80, but the price of gold is not as much about gold as it is about the value of currencies, particularly the US dollar.

Since new currency is created through lending activity, very low or 0% US interest rates and government deficit spending are fueling a US dollar carry trade and monetary inflation in the US dollar resulting in rising asset prices and global speculation. According to Zhu Min, deputy governor of the People’s Bank of China, “[The US dollar carry trade] is a massive issue; estimates are that it is $1.5 trillion, which is much bigger than Japan’s carry trade.” The close relationship of global commodity prices, particularly the gold price, to the value of the US dollar can be seen by comparing the changing value of the US Dollar Index to an inverted US dollar spot gold price chart.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{StockCharts.com}

The inverted gold price chart follows the USDX closely and while the fluctuations are not strictly proportional the overall trends as well as the peaks and troughs generally correspond, thus the asset price bubbles noted by Mr. Soros are reflections in asset prices of both the US dollar carry trade (the effective value of the US dollar) and, ultimately, of the long-term devaluation of the US dollar, thus the value of the US dollar in real terms.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{StockCharts.com}

An “ultimate bubble” in gold could be an offspring of the mother of all carry trades, but its magnitude would depend not only on the effective value and rate of change in value of the US dollar while the carry trade is booming, but also on the actual, eventual value of the US dollar (in real terms) after the carry trade has come to an end. Although the value of the US dollar will certainly recover to some degree when the carry trade ends, it will remain significantly lower in value for other reasons.

US Dollar Devaluation

In the above mentioned interview, Mr. Soros went on to say that "Some countries, like the US and European countries have plenty of room to increase their deficits; [although] the political resistance to doing so increases the chances of a double dip [recession] in the [global] economy in 2011 and after that." Since further monetary inflation as a consequence of government deficit spending may be necessary to maintain economic stimulus measures and financial system life support, Mr. Soros anticipates further devaluation of the US dollar. Devaluation of the US dollar will have both beneficial and harmful effects on the US economy.

Devaluation of the US dollar will reduce the value of debts in real terms, reducing the overall debt to GDP ratio of the US economy, and stimulate nominal GDP growth as domestic prices and wages (at different rates) adjust to the altered value of the US dollar, while at the same time helping to create conditions where US banks can resume lending to consumers and small businesses. Unfortunately, currency devaluation also has deleterious effects, such as higher prices, a loss in the value of savings and a reduction in the real value of wages. There is also a risk of uncontrolled domestic price inflation (although prices can be held in check without raising interest rates by curtailing the flow of money and credit to consumers and small businesses).

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Karl Denninger}

In addition to reducing the US debt to GDP ratio, devaluation of the US dollar will lessen the risk of higher interest rates resulting in greater deficit spending by the US government as a consequence of increased debt service ($145.4 billion in fiscal 2009) since it will allow the US federal government’s tax receipts to grow faster than the increase in debt service resulting from higher interest rates.

Currently projected US federal government borrowing (or, alternatively, quantitative easing) will maintain downward pressure on the value of the US dollar through the year 2019. According to the US Office of Management and Budget’s (OMB) baseline projection of current policy, federal deficits will total between $7 and $9 trillion for fiscal 2010 through fiscal 2019 and the US public debt will grow from $12.3 trillion to more than $16 trillion in 2019. Other estimates indicate that US federal government debt will exceed $18 trillion in 2019, setting aside the net present value of unfunded federal liabilities based on Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP). According to David M. Walker, former Comptroller General of the United States from 1998 to 2008 and current President and CEO of the Peter G. Peterson Foundation, current federal liabilities and unfunded obligations total approximately $63 trillion. As a result, further devaluation of the US dollar is inevitable.

Disparate US Dollar Values

Curiously, the US dollar has two different and diverging values, one within the US financial system and another in the broad US economy. As a result of the US financial system rescue, which included purchases of various assets from banks at book value by the US Treasury and Federal Reserve, the US monetary base has expanded roughly 150% since the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, but the newly created currency has not filtered into the broad US economy where, in contrast, deflationary pressures persist.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis}

Although it is not apparent in the broad US economy, the value of the US dollar has been dramatically altered and its devaluation cannot be isolated indefinitely within the financial system independent of the broad US economy. The counterbalancing, but much smaller, contraction of the broad US money supply, as measured by the M3 monetary aggregate, also cannot continue indefinitely.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Shadow Government Statistics}

At some point, the two disparate values of the US dollar (that found within the financial system versus that found in the broad US economy) will be reconciled and, unless current policies are reversed, the outcome will be a substantially less valuable US dollar. The consequences of the eventual reconciliation will certainly include price inflation in the US, higher US dollar prices for commodities that are subject to global demand, such as oil and gold, as well as higher nominal values for US dollar denominated assets. However, the potential unintended consequences of a falling US dollar include high domestic price inflation, a further reduction in international demand for US debt or a collapse in demand, a disruptive decline in trade, i.e., US imports, or in the worst case, rejection of the US dollar as the world reserve currency or a hyperinflationary collapse of the US dollar.

Is Gold in an Asset Price Bubble?

Diversification for the purposes of risk mitigation and wealth preservation is a rational response to unstable market conditions and is not comparable to a market mania, like the dot-com bubble. Similarly, a long-term shift in asset allocation favoring one general category of assets over another based on fundamentals, while it may result in rising prices, does not by itself describe an asset price bubble.

An asset price bubble, such as the Dutch tulip mania of the 1630s, is an irrational and economically unsustainable investment trend that holds sway over investors only temporarily and that inevitably collapses violently. Asset price bubbles end when a tipping point is reached where the awareness of and tolerance for escalating risk exceed irrational exuberance producing a panic. So long as the great majority of market participants discount risk, individual participants may rely on the irrational exuberance of others. In contrast, rational confidence does not depend on a majority of market participants behaving irrationally and is based instead on sound fundamentals.

The view that rising global commodity prices, fundamentally, are asset price bubbles in various stages of formation unreasonably discounts the risks associated with financial institutions, governments and currencies. If we are to learn anything from Iceland, the Baltic states, Dubai, and Greece it is that if irrational exuberance exists in the financial markets today it is exactly confidence that is not based on sound fundamentals in financial institutions, governments and currencies.

In the 1980 asset price bubble, gold rose from an inflation adjusted low using constant 2009 dollars of $392.57 per Troy ounce on August 31, 1976 ($104 1976 dollars) to its January 21, 1980 peak of what would have been $2,358.04 in 2009 dollars ($850 1980 dollars), a gain using constant 2009 dollars of more than 500% in 4 years. The 1980 asset price bubble in gold violently collapsed in same year, returning to 1979 levels by 1982.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Bianco Research, L.L.C.}

On April 4, 2001, the gold price would have been $315.78 in constant 2009 dollars, the lowest value since 1970 adjusted for inflation. From that point, the gold price rose from a nominal low of $255.95 on April 4, 2001 to a nominal high of $1,212.50 on December 2, 2009 (London PM fix), a gain of roughly 375% over approximately 10 years (284% using constant 2009 dollars).

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Kitco Metals Inc.}

Over the past decade, the US dollar has declined from its 2002 high by roughly 33% compared to other major currencies and approximately 40% from is 2000 high compared to the Euro. At the same time, most of the currencies in the major indices have been debased alongside the US dollar since 2008 for the same reasons, thus the value of the US dollar in real terms is not apparent from the index alone.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis}

The alternate US Dollar Indices published by Shadow Government Statistics (SGS) suggest that the Federal Reserve’s trade weighted exchange index of major currencies, which includes the Euro zone, Canada, Japan, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Australia, and Sweden, may be an optimistic formulation.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Shadow Government Statistics}

The decline of a national currency, particularly that of a nation with a large trade deficit, is first apparent in international trade while domestic prices do not at first fully reflect the devaluation of the currency. As a result, the prices of commodities that are subject to global demand tend to rise before the general increase in domestic prices that results from currency devaluation, thus the prices of commodities such as gold would be expected to rise faster than domestic measures such as the US Consumer Price Index (CPI).

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis}

The alternate CPI measure provided by SGS may represent a more accurate method of estimating the US dollar prices of commodities that are subject to global demand. The SGS alternate data show accelerating price inflation over the past decade leading up to the global financial crisis in 2008.

^{Chart courtesy of}^{Shadow Government Statistics}

If the SGS alternate CPI data are applied to the gold price it is apparent why Shadow Government Statistics’ John Williams stated in an interview with Bloomberg reporter Pham-Duy Nguyen that if the same methodology of measuring inflation were used today as in 1980, the 1980 gold price would be equivalent to $7,150.

^{Chart courtesy of}^FGMR

While gold certainly has enjoyed tremendous gains over the past decade, including the effect on the gold price of central bank gold demand, the current gold price, following on the heels of an unprecedented global financial crisis, has little in common with the 1980 asset price bubble. The current gold price reflects a rational diversification into hard assets for the purposes of risk mitigation and wealth preservation and can be explained in terms of monetary inflation and associated loss in the value of the US dollar independent of the US dollar carry trade. The continuing devaluation of the US dollar will result in a further rise in the prices of commodities that are subject to global demand, thus the gold price will continue to rise also.

Mr. Soros is certainly correct in that low interest rates contribute to the formation of asset price bubbles, but neither the value of the US dollar or the price of gold depend only on interest rates or on the US dollar carry trade. The view that a gold price over $1000 per Troy ounce represents the “ultimate bubble” ignores the ongoing devaluation of the US dollar, discounts risks associated with the stability of financial institutions, governments and currencies, and does not reflect confidence consistent with sound fundamentals.

Madmen, Gamblers, Alcoholics, the US Dollar and Gold

Ron Hera — Tue, 01 Dec 2009 14:55:00 GMT

If a lawless gang of madmen, gamblers and alcoholics seized control of a large company, how would you expect the business to perform? How would you expect the story to end? What if, instead of a company, they seized control of the world's largest economy, thus, to some extent, the world financial system?

Unsound monetary policy, reckless risk taking, and out-of-control spending are what characterize the US economy today. The proverbial madmen are central bankers, i.e., the US Federal Reserve, whose polices, inspired by Johannes Gutenberg, threaten to destroy the US dollar in the name of saving US banks from their own irresponsibility and greed. The compulsive gamblers are Wall Street investment banks, along with the largest US banks, which have gone so far as to speculate with government bailout money, having learned little from the near collapse of the world financial system in 2008. If money were liquor, the US federal government would be a band of raging alcoholics in charge of a liquor store. These are the tragic characters upon whom Americans depend for their jobs, for their college and retirement funds, for the financing of their educations, homes and business ventures, for the stability of prices and US financial markets, and for the value of their hard earned savings.

The triangle of dysfunction has not gone without notice. Foreign purchases of US Treasury bonds are being made, essentially, under duress while demand for Treasuries remains tepid and quantitative easing by the Federal Reserve continues. The US dollar has fallen from new low to new low and the skyrocketing price of gold is sounding the alarm, but between Washington DC and Wall Street nary an ear can hear.

The Madmen

The incurable incapacity of a central autocracy to accurately match interest rates and the money supply to the requirements of the diverse, complex markets that make up the US economy is a fundamental flaw in US monetary policy. While the ideology may be different, central economic planning under the name of central banking produces no better result than central economic planning under the name of communism. A series of ever larger economic bubbles coupled with an ever weaker currency is ultimately little better than the economic stagnation of the former Soviet system. Low interest rates may stimulate economic activity, for example, but they may also result in high inflation, unsustainable levels of debt, and asset price bubbles.

For every intervention in the free market, whether by government edict or monetary policy, there are unintended consequences. Government intervention in the US housing market, for example, intended to increase opportunities for home ownership among less successful members of society, played a key role in undermining lending standards. Combined with the Federal Reserve's policy of low interest rates, which fueled speculation in real estate and mortgage backed securities, government intervention ultimately proved disastrous.

Markets have existed since the dawn of human civilization without the blessings either of government subsidies and guarantees or of central banking. An economy is best described as an organic system rather than a machine. Interventions purporting to be the processes required to 'operate' the economy are at best futile if not inevitably disruptive and destructive. Like a living organism, the economy is largely self organizing and self regulating. When governments collapse, for example, currencies may fail but trade marches on. The behavior of an economy is an infinitely complex aggregate of individual human actions driven by self-interest and, while it may be characterized at different times either by rationality or by irrationality, it is self correcting (unlike interventions, which know no bounds). As a result, it is not possible for a small group of experts, no matter how intelligent or well intentioned, who have an imperfect understanding and incomplete, inevitably out-of-date information to successfully control the economy without unintended, unexpected and usually destructive consequences.

The notion that a central authority, even one equipped with sophisticated computer models, can successfully substitute a mathematically-based view from on high for the individual judgments of millions of businesses, entrepreneurs, and consumers across countless regions and industries is not merely the height of hubris but quite simply mad. Fundamentally, it is entrepreneurs deploying private capital, not bankers or economists that create the products, services, business, and jobs that make up the economy. Whether for the sake of social welfare or for the purposes of monetary policy, intervention in the free market invariably distorts the distribution of wealth, causes a net reduction of wealth for society as a whole, and misdirects entrepreneurs into activities eventually revealed as uneconomic. Perhaps the best argument for the futility of central bank monetary policy is that of Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Shalom Bernanke, Ph.D., who said to graduates of the Boston College School of Law on May 22, 2009:

"As an economist and policymaker, I have plenty of experience in trying to foretell the future, because policy decisions inevitably involve projections of how alternative policy choices will influence the future course of the economy. The Federal Reserve, therefore, devotes substantial resources to economic forecasting. Likewise, individual investors and businesses have strong financial incentives to try to anticipate how the economy will evolve. With so much at stake, you will not be surprised to know that, over the years, many very smart people have applied the most sophisticated statistical and modeling tools available to try to better divine the economic future. But the results, unfortunately, have more often than not been underwhelming. Like weather forecasters, economic forecasters must deal with a system that is extraordinarily complex, that is subject to random shocks, and about which our data and understanding will always be imperfect. In some ways, predicting the economy is even more difficult than forecasting the weather, because an economy is not made up of molecules whose behavior is subject to the laws of physics, but rather of human beings who are themselves thinking about the future and whose behavior may be influenced by the forecasts that they or others make."

Mr. Bernanke's comments are not remarkable only for their clarity and candor, or because they are a stark admission of the failure of central bank monetary policy, but because they echo the founding principles of the Austrian school of economics. In fact, Mr. Bernanke provides excellent reasons for the repeal of the US Federal Reserve Act. Despite common misconceptions of economics as a branch of mathematics or as a hard science, economics is in fact a social science, similar to psychology. For example, when we speak of economic incentives we are referring to the manipulation of human behavior through artificial means to achieve policy objectives such as increasing consumer spending, just as pairing the sound of a bell with the introduction of dog food will produce dogs that salivate at the sound of a bell when no food is present (of course the salivation response can eventually be extinguished if no food is provided for an extended period of time).

Psychology, it turns out, has a great deal to say about economics, investment banking, and public finance. Indeed, key psychological themes are common to all three areas of endeavor.

The Illusion of Control

There may be a simple explanation, rooted in human nature, for the ever larger disasters brought about by government interventions in the economy and by the institution of central banking. The illusion of control is persistence in the belief that a given outcome can be controlled when no demonstrable influence exists or where, as Mr. Bernanke stated, outcomes cannot be accurately predicted. Whether intervention is the result of central bank monetary policy or of government legislation, taxation or regulation, it is the inherent unpredictability of the outcomes of intervention that belies the philosophy of interventionism itself. Former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, Ph.D., grappled with this fact in the wake of the financial crisis when, in testimony before the US Congress on October 24, 2008, he said:

"... an ideology is [...] a conceptual framework with the way people deal with reality. Everyone has one. You have to -- to exist, you need an ideology. The question is whether it is accurate or not. And what I'm saying to you is, yes, I found a flaw. I don't know how significant or permanent it is, but I've been very distressed by that fact. [That there is a] flaw in the model that I perceived is the critical functioning structure that defines how the world works, so to speak. ... I was shocked, because I had been going for 40 years or more with very considerable evidence that it was working exceptionally well."

Mr. Greenspan accurately refers to the dominant economic theory, not as a science, but as an ideology that ultimately does not conform to reality. In psychological terms, an irrational belief that cannot be modified by reason or evidence is precisely the definition of the term "delusion." Despite his having been confused for 40 years, Mr. Greenspan clearly recognized and acknowledged a limitation of his economic ideology. In retrospect, perhaps Mr. Greenspan regrets having departed from his original views. Sadly, the same cannot be said for the majority of economists, central bankers and US government officials who do not recognize, as Albert Einstein pointed out, that "the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results."

The Gamblers

Gambling addiction and belief in the paranormal, e.g., psychokinesis, are examples of the illusion of control. When rolling dice in the casino game craps, for example, people tend to throw harder for high numbers and softer for low numbers when there is no connection between the force with which the dice are thrown and the result. Experimental subjects can even be made to believe that they can affect the outcome of a coin toss through their level of concentration. The illusion of control is a key factor in gambling addiction because it is reinforced by occasional successes and, as has been long established by behavioral psychologists, behaviors conditioned by intermittent reinforcement are the most difficult to extinguish.

Warning signs of gambling addiction include defensiveness, secrecy, and desperation: precisely the attitudes exhibited by Wall Street bankers seeking bailouts from the US government in 2008. Like US banks transferring private losses to taxpayers, gambling addicts may hold others responsible for their financial problems and they may adamantly insist that they be trusted. Gambling addicts tend to be secretive about finances, while at the same time irrationally insisting on having control over money, just as Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke has insisted that Congressional review of the Federal Reserve's books. i.e., to find out what financial institutions received taxpayer dollars, would compromise its vaunted independence and harm the US economy. The more gambling addicts are in debt, the more they feel the need to defend gambling and they often defend a specific theory or model that "guarantees" winning (if only they can get more money to continue gambling).

A gambling addict's savings and assets may mysteriously dwindle, perhaps like crumbling bank balance sheets laden with sub-prime mortgages or bank losses associated with risky financial derivatives, and there may be unexplained loans or cash advances, perhaps like the Federal Reserve's Term Asset-Backed Loan Facility (TALF) program. Like banks jacking up credit card interest rates, gambling addicts become increasingly desperate for money to fund further gambling. The debts of gambling addicts may increase sharply, reflecting a "bet more, win more" mentality that inevitably leads to the gambler going bust. Gambling addicts seek money with increasing desperation, perhaps like former US Treasury Secretary (and former Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Goldman Sachs) Henry M. Paulson's dire warnings of financial Armageddon in 2008. Items easily sold or pawned for money may mysteriously disappear, perhaps like the US government's Fort Knox gold, which is surrounded by rumors and speculation that a long sought (e.g., by the Gold Anti-Trust Action Committee) independent audit could easily dispel.

The Alcoholics

The original Twelve Steps published by Alcoholics Anonymous include admitting that one's life, or in this case the US economy has become unmanageable and that a power beyond one's self (i.e., beyond current economic theories and government policies) is necessary to restore sanity. Contrary to the views of current Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein, the Higher Power cannot be one's self. The self regulating dynamics of a free market, for example would certainly adjust US housing prices to sustainable levels and promote sound lending standards, but this has been prevented by the interventions of the Federal Reserve and US government. Not coincidentally, it was the Federal Reserve and the US government, respectively, that originally caused the inflation of housing prices and undermined lending standards.

Breaking the grip of alcohol addiction requires a searching and fearless moral inventory, admitting the exact nature of one's wrongs, and an unreserved willingness to change and to make amends with those who have been harmed. Sadly, neither the Federal Reserve, nor Wall Street bankers, nor the US Congress, which is committed to borrowing its way out of debt, seem likely to repent.

The destructive behavior of alcoholics is often enabled by dysfunctional, co-dependent relationships. A dysfunctional relationship is one that creates more emotional turmoil than satisfaction, or in the case of the US economy, more destruction of wealth than creation. Warning signs of a dysfunctional relationship include, for example, addictive or obsessive attitudes, an imbalance of power, or a superiority complex on the part of one person. Co-dependency is a pattern of detrimental behavioral interactions within a dysfunctional relationship, most commonly a relationship with an alcohol or drug abuser, but equally possible in a relationship with a gambling addict. The co-dependent is a person who perpetuates the addiction or pathological condition of someone close to them in a way that impedes recovery.

The US government appears trapped, together with the Federal Reserve and Wall Street banks, in a destructive web of dysfunctional, co-dependent relationships. The US government is addicted to the easy money created by the Federal Reserve at the expense of taxpayers who eventually suffer a loss of purchasing power. According to Mr. Greenspan's 1966 article Gold and Economic Freedom, "deficit spending is simply a scheme for the confiscation of wealth." Wall Street bankers depend on US government bailouts and guarantees, as well as on the Federal Reserve's lax monetary policy, and the Federal Reserve depends directly on the US government for the legalization of its unaccountable monopoly and indirectly on the continuation of the largest US banks. While a dysfunctional triangle of co-dependency is merely descriptive, the interdependence of the Federal Reserve, the largest US banks and the US government is a fact in reality.

Unfortunately, it is no more possible to spend one's way to prosperity or to borrow one's way out of debt than it is to drink one's self sober. Nonetheless, thanks to the Federal Reserve's 7 day per week, 24 hour per day money printing service, the US government plans to do precisely this. If creating wealth were as simple as printing money, the dominant school of economics would be led by Robert Mugabe, President of Zimbabwe, and Gideon Gono, governor of Zimbabwe's Reserve Bank (and winner of the 2009 Ig Nobel Prize in Mathematics), who share with Mr. Bernanke a love for the feel of crisp paper and for the smell of fresh ink.

As Milton Friedman once said "The real problem with government is not the deficit. The real problem with government is the amount of our money that it spends."

The wealth destroyed by the collapse of the US real estate bubble and the stock market crash of 2008 has not been and cannot be brought back by bailouts, stimulus spending or outright money printing. While averting a deflationary spiral is necessary, propping up asset prices by dropping money from a helicopter redistributes wealth and interferes with the price mechanism of the free market. Devaluing the US dollar may help to hold up asset prices but it also prevents housing prices from falling to sustainable levels while at the same time adding the risk of eventually far higher prices, or, in the worst case, hyperinflation. There is no historical example of a successfully re-inflated economic bubble. What is more important, however, is that the unintended consequences of currency debasement, i.e., the result of an inflationary monetary policy marked by near 0% interest rates, are likely to outweigh the goals of the policy even if they are achieved.

Reducing the value of debts in real terms through currency debasement requires a commensurate loss of purchasing power, thus while housing prices may be prevented from falling further, savings will be destroyed and wages will lag behind prices once they inevitably begin to rise. Although consumer prices in the US currently lag behind the downtrend of the US Dollar Index (USDX), an inflation tax will eventually be levied. Under the name "economic stimulus", wealth is being dissipated by the US government at an alarming rate with no sustainable benefit. US government programs like Cash for Clunkers only impact short-term economic data while, in reality, destroying wealth, increasing debt and diverting consumer spending into already bankrupt industries. At the same time, the US government is eager to increase tax revenues to offset deficit spending and it has all manner of businesses, as well as wealthy individuals in its crosshairs. German-born Presbyterian clergyman William Boetcker (1873-1962) wrote:

"You cannot bring about prosperity by discouraging thrift. You cannot help small men by tearing down big men. You cannot strengthen the weak by weakening the strong. You cannot lift the wage-earner by pulling down the wage-payer. You cannot help the poor man by destroying the rich. You cannot keep out of trouble by spending more than your income..."

Boetcker's words are profound. It is not possible to repair the US economy through stimulus spending or to increase the wealth of consumers by inflating asset values via currency debasement. Supporting asset prices, thus bank balance sheets, via currency debasement, in the best case, can spread debt defaults over time, perhaps delaying the collapse of bankrupt financial institutions. However, currency debasement promises to move Americans closer to the financial status of Zimbabweans due to the destruction of the purchasing power of the US dollar. A less valuable US dollar will reduce consumer spending in real terms, and reduced consumer spending will impact businesses and, therefore, jobs.

The US Dollar and Gold

The price of gold indicates a lack of confidence in the US dollar and in the US economy and it reflects poorly on the credibility of the Federal Reserve and of the US government. The changing composition of central bank reserves, e.g., increasing gold holdings, is a direct effect of the currently weak US economy and US dollar, which has lost considerable value in recent months. In contrast, gold is the only financial asset, in fact a currency that has no counterparty risk. This simple, but often overlooked fact goes a long way to explain current investment demand for gold.

Chart courtesy of StockCharts.com

All other things being equal, strong economies offer investors superior returns and lower risk compared to weak economies, thus the currencies of stronger economies are always preferred over those of weaker ones and have a higher relative value as a function of supply and demand. Of course, monetary inflation and monetary deflation also influence the value of a currency in terms of supply.

In a world financial system composed entirely of fiat currencies, where no currency is redeemable in terms of hard assets, money is an abstract claim on production and the value of one national currency relative to another can only, ultimately be a reflection of the performance of the underlying economy that the currency represents (performance being inclusive of the consequences of its monetary policy), i.e., a claim on its production. Thus, if an economy is in decline, i.e., its production is falling, its currency, over time, must also decline. Conversely, there can be no doubt that if the US economy were exhibiting credible and significant growth, i.e., if production were increasing, the US dollar would certainly gain value, but that is not the case.

Chart courtesy of StockCharts.com

The fact that central banks are reducing US dollar holdings and increasing holdings of other currencies, including gold, is simply a matter of preserving the value of their reserves in the face of developments influencing the value of the US dollar, such as the burgeoning US dollar carry trade. Having gone "all in" to save the largest banks, the Federal Reserve and US government continue to assume that the crisis can be managed, despite the fact that their policies are making the situation worse in terms of sustainable housing prices, public debt and the value of the US dollar. In the mean time, Wall Street bankers have gone back to the casino, nonchalantly cashing in their bailout chips and pocketing the gains.

The rationale of buying time for US banks and of supporting US real estate prices seems reasonable on its face but this probably doomed policy is already proving counterproductive. Despite the patina of economic recovery sprinkled over the news media like fairy dust, small business and commercial real estate failures, as well as ongoing residential mortgage and credit card defaults, are rippling through the weak US economy, while unemployment continues to rise undermining consumer spending thus, ultimately, bank balance sheets. Setting aside the understandable reluctance of US banks to make new loans, no amount of tenuous good news, no matter how exaggerated, has been able to rekindle the frenzy of consumer borrowing that formerly characterized the US economy.

The illusion of control is a temporary state of affairs. The triangle of dysfunction and co-dependency formed by the Federal Reserve, Wall Street banks, and the US government is like a story about a madman, a gambler and an alcoholic, where each traps the others in their respective downward spirals. The illusion of control, common to all three, is gradually bringing about a situation that will inevitably be entirely out of control, but, as with gambling addicts and alcoholics, the point where control is lost can only become apparent after the fact, just as the financial crisis of 2008 caught the vast majority of experts by surprise.

Investors, governments and central banks around the world are seeking safety outside the US dollar, particularly in gold, as well as outside of the US stock market, e.g., in emerging economies. The more borrowed money the US government spends, the more money the Federal Reserve prints and the longer zombie banks are kept on life support, the worse the eventual condition of the US economy, the weaker the US dollar and the higher the price of everything in US dollars will ultimately be, particularly gold.

Faces of Death: The US Dollar in Crisis

Ron Hera — Sun, 11 Oct 2009 08:45:00 GMT

The US economy has been in crisis since 2008 and despite optimistic statements by officials and commentators there are no fundamental signs that the crisis will end in the foreseeable future. Current economic data suggests a number of diverging and unsustainable...(read more)