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Eric Posted: Wed, Jan 14 2009 2:26 PM

I found this quote on youtube,

 "Hitler was a national socialist i.e. facist, not a socialist. He strongly believed in the free market. The first people to oppose Hitler were the communists and socialists, while the Americans were among the last."

I do not even know how to respond to that. lol

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wombatron replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 2:38 PM

Largely correct, with the glaring exception of "He strongly believed in the free market".  I cannot put into words how utterly wrong-headed that idea is.

You could call Hitler a socialist, but you would have to specify that he was a "conservative socialist".  Socialist states like the Soviet Union destroyed the previous power structures before building their own, while the Nazis mainly just entrenched the aristocracy and corporatocracy that already existed, a distinction that I think is important.

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kiba replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 3:34 PM

Free market capitalism does not entails a government mandating productions of war materials, which have little to sastify the general population.

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Sphairon replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 3:39 PM

It depends on which era of Hitlerian thought you're talking about. Before his rise to power, he often talked favorably about the market (or whatever he meant by that term) since the market selection process that eliminates unproductive competitors seemed to match with his general social-darwinist philosophy.

However, as soon as he'd become accustomed to his office, he would replace any market-based philosophy with vague blather about a socialist Volksgemeinschaft and how any enterprise that didn't serve the Volk needed to be nationalized. It was obvious that he believed in state-ownership of resources (that is, socialism) in the later stages of his political career much more than in the free market, a thing he only seemed to tolerate as long as it served its purpose.

Wombatron is, however, right about his corporatist and reactionary leanings. He kept all the previously existing social structures in Germany alive while filling them with Nazi thought, he did not act as a revolutionary, but as a subversive and infiltrating element.


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ayrnieu replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 3:49 PM
Respond with a picture.
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How about with the ACTUAL 25 point Nazi Platform which includes the following:

The full text of the 25 point program

  1. We demand the unification of all Germans in the Greater Germany on the basis of the right of self-determination of people.
  2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in respect to the other nations; abrogation of the peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.
  3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the sustenance of our people, and colonization for our surplus population.
  4. Only a member of the race can be a citizen. A member of the race can only be one who is of German blood, without consideration of creed. Consequently no Jew can be a member of the race.
  5. Whoever has no citizenship is to be able to live in Germany only as a guest, and must be under the authority of legislation for foreigners.
  6. The right to determine matters concerning administration and law belongs only to the citizen. Therefore we demand that every public office, of any sort whatsoever, whether in the Reich, the county or municipality, be filled only by citizens. We combat the corrupting parliamentary economy, office-holding only according to party inclinations without consideration of character or abilities.
  7. We demand that the state be charged first with providing the opportunity for a livelihood and way of life for the citizens. If it is impossible to sustain the total population of the State, then the members of foreign nations (non-citizens) are to be expelled from the Reich.
  8. Any further immigration of non-citizens is to be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans, who have immigrated to Germany since the [2 August 1914], be forced immediately to leave the Reich.
  9. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.
  10. The first obligation of every citizen must be to work both spiritually and physically. The activity of individuals is not to counteract the interests of the universality, but must have its result within the framework of the whole for the benefit of all Consequently we demand:
  11. Abolition of unearned (work and labour) incomes. Breaking of rent-slavery.
  12. In consideration of the monstrous sacrifice in property and blood that each war demands of the people personal enrichment through a war must be designated as a crime against the people. Therefore we demand the total confiscation of all war profits.
  13. We demand the nationalisation of all (previous) associated industries (trusts).
  14. We demand a division of profits of all heavy industries.
  15. We demand an expansion on a large scale of old age welfare.
  16. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its conservation, immediate communalization of the great warehouses and their being leased at low cost to small firms, the utmost consideration of all small firms in contracts with the State, county or municipality.
  17. We demand a land reform suitable to our needs, provision of a law for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of public utility, abolition of taxes on land and prevention of all speculation in land.
  18. We demand struggle without consideration against those whose activity is injurious to the general interest. Common national criminals, usurers, profiteers and so forth are to be punished with death, without consideration of confession or race.
  19. We demand substitution of a German common law in place of the Roman Law serving a materialistic world-order.
  20. The state is to be responsible for a fundamental reconstruction of our whole national education program, to enable every capable and industrious German to obtain higher education and subsequently introduction into leading positions. The plans of instruction of all educational institutions are to conform with the experiences of practical life. The comprehension of the concept of the State must be striven for by the school [Staatsbuergerkunde] as early as the beginning of understanding. We demand the education at the expense of the State of outstanding intellectually gifted children of poor parents without consideration of position or profession.
  21. The State is to care for the elevating national health by protecting the mother and child, by outlawing child-labor, by the encouragement of physical fitness, by means of the legal establishment of a gymnastic and sport obligation, by the utmost support of all organizations concerned with the physical instruction of the young.
  22. We demand abolition of the mercenary troops and formation of a national army.
  23. We demand legal opposition to known lies and their promulgation through the press. In order to enable the provision of a German press, we demand, that: a. All writers and employees of the newspapers appearing in the German language be members of the race: b. Non-German newspapers be required to have the express permission of the State to be published. They may not be printed in the German language: c. Non-Germans are forbidden by law any financial interest in German publications, or any influence on them, and as punishment for violations the closing of such a publication as well as the immediate expulsion from the Reich of the non-German concerned. Publications which are counter to the general good are to be forbidden. We demand legal prosecution of artistic and literary forms which exert a destructive influence on our national life, and the closure of organizations opposing the above made demands.
  24. We demand freedom of religion for all religious denominations within the state so long as they do not endanger its existence or oppose the moral senses of the Germanic race. The Party as such advocates the standpoint of a positive Christianity without binding itself confessionally to any one denomination. It combats the Jewish-materialistic spirit within and around us, and is convinced that a lasting recovery of our nation can only succeed from within on the framework: The good of the state before the good of the individual.[10]
  25. For the execution of all of this we demand the formation of a strong central power in the Reich. Unlimited authority of the central parliament over the whole Reich and its organizations in general. The forming of state and profession chambers for the execution of the laws made by the Reich within the various states of the confederation. The leaders of the Party promise, if necessary by sacrificing their own lives, to support by the execution of the points set forth above without consideration
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John Ess replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 3:50 PM

Didn't Milton Friedman act as an advisor to Hitler during the Chilean coup?

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Eric replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 4:04 PM

Sphairon:

It depends on which era of Hitlerian thought you're talking about. Before his rise to power, he often talked favorably about the market (or whatever he meant by that term) since the market selection process that eliminates unproductive competitors seemed to match with his general social-darwinist philosophy.

Kind of like Bush.

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Sphairon replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 4:34 PM

John Ess:
Didn't Milton Friedman act as an advisor to Hitler during the Chilean coup?


I don't really get it. Do you mean Pinochet?


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Marko replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 4:52 PM

wombatron:

You could call Hitler a socialist, but you would have to specify that he was a "conservative socialist".  Socialist states like the Soviet Union destroyed the previous power structures before building their own, while the Nazis mainly just entrenched the aristocracy and corporatocracy that already existed, a distinction that I think is important.

That was more the case for conventional Fascists like Mussolini and Franco. Nazism was much more populist radical than classic Fascism so much that it was really a hybrid between a progressive and a reactionary movement. For example just take its flirting with paganism. During the Stalin-Hitler pact state propaganda in USSR emphasised this workers, socialist aspect of National Socialist Germany so when Hitler invaded they actually had to shift to calling Germany fascists rather than national-socialists, because they had previously given the term somewhat positive connotations.

 

Sphairon:

 

Wombatron is, however, right about his corporatist and reactionary leanings. He kept all the previously existing social structures in Germany alive while filling them with Nazi thought, he did not act as a revolutionary, but as a subversive and infiltrating element.



You are right he did not destroy the previous establishment like the Bolsheviks. But he did bring them under his heel and limited their power. He cutt the wings of industrialists and of the military. Unlike latin fascists he also took on the church rather than try to seek an ally in it.

 

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One can even find approving remarks by Mussolini on capitalism (not necessarily laissez faire), where he extols its productive power. Many fascists are enamoured by that aspect of it (same with some Marxian socialists, including Marx himself), as it can be used to fuel a nation by providing it with ample economic power. It's no accident the formerly liberal regimes later became empires. The fascists though seem to have skipped this step anyway, by directing enterprise at their behest, even if they let it remain "private" nominally.

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Jon Irenicus:
t's no accident the formerly liberal regimes later became empires.

For anybody interested see Hoppe's "The Paradox of Imperialism" on this.

"You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows"

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wombatron replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 10:58 PM

Marko:

wombatron:

You could call Hitler a socialist, but you would have to specify that he was a "conservative socialist".  Socialist states like the Soviet Union destroyed the previous power structures before building their own, while the Nazis mainly just entrenched the aristocracy and corporatocracy that already existed, a distinction that I think is important.

That was more the case for conventional Fascists like Mussolini and Franco. Nazism was much more populist radical than classic Fascism so much that it was really a hybrid between a progressive and a reactionary movement. For example just take its flirting with paganism. During the Stalin-Hitler pact state propaganda in USSR emphasised this workers, socialist aspect of National Socialist Germany so when Hitler invaded they actually had to shift to calling Germany fascists rather than national-socialists, because they had previously given the term somewhat positive connotations.

 

Sphairon:

 

Wombatron is, however, right about his corporatist and reactionary leanings. He kept all the previously existing social structures in Germany alive while filling them with Nazi thought, he did not act as a revolutionary, but as a subversive and infiltrating element.



You are right he did not destroy the previous establishment like the Bolsheviks. But he did bring them under his heel and limited their power. He cutt the wings of industrialists and of the military. Unlike latin fascists he also took on the church rather than try to seek an ally in it.

 

True.  One could conceive of Hitler and Nazism as being the "left", as it were, of fascism.  They weren't completely reactionary in the way that Mussolini and Franco were.  In fact, a lot of the Nazi economic policies strongly resemble the New Deal (lol at statist liberals).

Also, about the "25-Point Plan", it is arguable how much of it is just rhetoric.  Similar, again, to the New Deal: supposedly "anti-business", while business leaders were actually working with the state to stamp out competition and create monopolies.

 

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Nitroadict replied on Wed, Jan 14 2009 11:25 PM

wombatron:

Marko:

wombatron:

You could call Hitler a socialist, but you would have to specify that he was a "conservative socialist".  Socialist states like the Soviet Union destroyed the previous power structures before building their own, while the Nazis mainly just entrenched the aristocracy and corporatocracy that already existed, a distinction that I think is important.

That was more the case for conventional Fascists like Mussolini and Franco. Nazism was much more populist radical than classic Fascism so much that it was really a hybrid between a progressive and a reactionary movement. For example just take its flirting with paganism. During the Stalin-Hitler pact state propaganda in USSR emphasised this workers, socialist aspect of National Socialist Germany so when Hitler invaded they actually had to shift to calling Germany fascists rather than national-socialists, because they had previously given the term somewhat positive connotations.

 

Sphairon:

 

Wombatron is, however, right about his corporatist and reactionary leanings. He kept all the previously existing social structures in Germany alive while filling them with Nazi thought, he did not act as a revolutionary, but as a subversive and infiltrating element.



You are right he did not destroy the previous establishment like the Bolsheviks. But he did bring them under his heel and limited their power. He cutt the wings of industrialists and of the military. Unlike latin fascists he also took on the church rather than try to seek an ally in it.

 

True.  One could conceive of Hitler and Nazism as being the "left", as it were, of fascism.  They weren't completely reactionary in the way that Mussolini and Franco were.  In fact, a lot of the Nazi economic policies strongly resemble the New Deal (lol at statist liberals).

Also, about the "25-Point Plan", it is arguable how much of it is just rhetoric.  Similar, again, to the New Deal: supposedly "anti-business", while business leaders were actually working with the state to stamp out competition and create monopolies.

 

Actually, the recent Swiss study (which is proving more illuminating each time I remember it) that confirmed the Nazi's were elected by normal, rational voting behavior, also confirmed, more or less, that the Nazi's seduced the working class in order to get votes with their platform:



from: http://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/front/Vote_for_Hitler_normal_in_economic_context.html?siteSect=105&sid=9795885&cKey=1222879180000&ty=st

Unlike industrial workers, these rural and domestic workers had no social security net in the form of unemployment insurance. Likewise, small shopkeepers did not officially become unemployed - they just made less money.

Therefore these groups did not have any stake in the government's unemployment policies and were more drawn to the free enterprise promises of the Nazis.

"That was our hypothesis: that blue-collar workers and the unemployed would regard either the government or the communists, who were for expropriation, as the party to vote for. Indeed, we found support for that."

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