The Memoir on Pauperism is one of Tocqueville's more
obscure works. It was not translated into English until 1968. This
latest edition, published by the Institute of Economic Affairs, is
apparently the first time the work has appeared as a separate
publication.
In her informative introduction, Gertrude Himmelfarb explains
how Tocqueville first became interested in poverty. In 1833 he visited
Britain at the invitation of Lord Radnor, a Radical Member of
Parliament. At the time, Britain was in the midst of great social
unrest. A year earlier, Parliament had responded to substantial
pressure from the public by passing the Reform Act of 1832, which gave
the vote to the middle classes for the first time. In addition, the
British government was about to dramatically revise the way that the
state aided the poor. Since 1795, every Englishman that earned less
than a certain level (based on the size of his family and the price of
bread) had been given an income supplement by the state to raise his
earnings to the state-mandated minimum. The result, Himmelfarb tells
us, was that wages fell, the number of unemployed farm workers rose,
and the British government spent as much as 20 percent of its budget
subsidizing the poor. "By the early 1830s," she writes, "the demand for
reform of the poor laws was almost as insistent as the demand for a
reform of the electoral laws."
With Lord Radnor's help, Tocqueville was able to observe several court
sessions where judges determined whether poor people were entitled to
alms. He then returned to France, where he finished the first volume of
Democracy in America. Then he wrote the Memoir on Pauperism, which was published in French in 1835.
Tocqueville begins the memoir by noting a paradox that was "very
extraordinary and apparently inexplicable." Travel in an impoverished
country such as Portugal or Spain, he writes, and you will see very few
beggars. But in England, the wealthiest country in Europe, "you will
discover with indescribable astonishment that one-sixth of this
flourishing kingdom live at the expense of public charity."
What is the explanation for this paradox? Tocqueville writes
that there are two motivations for people to work - to provide the
necessities of life and to improve themselves. But "a charitable
institution indiscriminately open to all those in need, or a law which
gives all the poor the right to public aid" removes both these
motivations by eliminating the need to work and not denying aid to
people who do not want to better themselves. The result is the creation
of a system in which "the most generous, the most active, the most
industrious part of the nation devotes its resources to furnishing the
means of existence for those who do nothing or who make bad use of
their labour."
Tocqueville then criticizes people who argue that the state
should create jobs for the idle poor and leave it to government
overseers to make sure the jobless work hard. "Is there always public
work to be done?" he asks. "But even supposing that there would always
be work to do, who will take responsibility for determining its
urgency, supervising its execution, setting its price? That man, the
overseer, aside from the qualities of a great magistrate, will
therefore possess the talents, the energy, the special knowledge of a
good industrial entrepreneur. ....Would it be wise to delude ourselves?
Pressured by the needs of the poor, the overseer will impose make-work
or even - as is almost always the case in England - pay wages without
demanding labour."
"Any measure which establishes legal charity in a permanent basis and
gives it an administrative form," Tocqueville writes, "thereby creates
an idle and lazy class, living at the expense of the industrial and
working class."
If government is the wrong instrument for aiding the
unfortunate, then what about individuals? Here Tocqueville asks
questions for which he does not provide answers. "Individual charity is
a powerful agency that must not be despised," he writes but "it seems
quite weak when faced with the progressive development of the
industrial classes and all the evils which civilisation joins to the
inestimable goods it produces."
The Memoir on Pauperism concludes with a promise of a
sequel that would explain how pauperism could be alleviated. This
"Second Memoir on Pauperism" was never completed, and the fragments
that survive suggest that Tocqueville was unable to devise a way to
fight poverty that did not rely on the state.
Alexis de Tocqueville was the first important intellectual who
understood that government aid to the poor does more harm than good.
The questions he raises about the dangers of state aid to the poor are
important ones which remain pertinent today. The Memoir on Pauperism
is an important and neglected document in the history of philanthropy,
and the Institute of Economic Affairs deserves a great deal of credit
for bringing it back into print.
Martin Morse Wooster is a visiting fellow at the Capital Research Center and the author of The Great Philanthropists and the Problem of Donor Intent.