Intertemporal Pollution, Accountability, and Justice in Appropriation
[Cross-posted on the parent blog]
If we are ever able to quantify the effects of pollution, we will still
need to establish the degree to which particular contributors can be
held accountable for those effects. It is important to recognize that
in many cases, polluting acts have happened, and will continue to
happen, over a long period of time. The significance of this fact can
perhaps be best illustrated by an example.
Let's say that on one fall day, three factories independently decide to dump some barrels of toxic waste into Tranquility Lake.
There are no regulatory agencies to take exception to this action, and
the lake is no one's private property. But the following spring,
Marlon, whose property lies along the lake, notices that the grass in
his back yard is not growing like it usually does. He tests the soil in
his yard, and finds it to have unusually high levels of a number of
unusual chemicals, which he learns are toxic to plants. He takes
measurements in Tranquility Lake,
and discovers that the chemicals that are killing his plant are also
present in high levels in the lake. After a bit of research, Marlon
discovers that the chemicals are used in the processes that the
factories on the lake engage in.
He confronts the owners of the
factories, and being good, honest people, the owners confess to dumping
the barrels of chemicals into the lake, and apologize for the harm they
caused. They all agree to settle the matter in arbitration. The
solution that they reach is that Marlon is entitled to full
compensation for the damage to his lawn, including compensation for his
inconvenience. And because the factories all contributed to the harm in
basically the same way, the factories will pay the part of the
compensation corresponding to the amount of toxic waste they dumped on
the autumn day. Since Factory A dumped 1 barrel, Factory B dumped 2
barrels, and Factory C dumped 3 barrels, Factory A pays 1/6 of the
damages, Factory B pays 1/3, and Factory B pays 1/2. Everyone goes home
happy; justice has been served.
Now let's amend the example to
say that the lake had been contaminated decades ago by a number of
factories that had long since shut down. The pollution was not severe
enough that any damage to Marlon's property resulted (or would ever
result), but the levels of the foreign chemicals were significantly
higher than they would have been naturally. Now let's imagine that our
three factories show up on the scene and dump their chemicals. What if,
because of the previous pollution, the damage done to Marlon's lawn is
more severe than it would have been if the old factories had never
existed? Should the three currently operating factories be held
accountable for all of the damage that they do?
One way to
approach this would be to say that the three factories should "take the
lake as they found it." This is the approach taken by Robert McGee and
Walter Block in their essay, "Pollution Trading Permits as a Form of
Market Socialism and the Search for a Real Market Solution to
Environmental Pollution." McGee and Block explain, "...one can
analogize the case of ordinary (human) trespass to the intrusion of
pollutants onto the property of the victim. In a typical case, the
thief breaks into the premises of the homeowner. Unbeknownst to the
intruder, the victim has a weak heart, and is easily frightened. In
this example the weak heart...amplifies the harm. As a result of the
trespass, the homeowner dies from a heart attack. Can the trespasser be
found liable for wrongful death? Yes, because of the doctrine of "you
take your victim as you find him." Taking this approach, we would say
that Marlon was particularly vulnerable because of the peculiar
circumstances in which the factories found him, but this fact wouldn't
absolve the factory owners of their accountability for the damage
caused by the dumping of the chemicals.
However, one might
object that in the weak heart example, the factor making the homeowner
vulnerable was no one's fault. In Marlon's case, the only reason the
damage was so severe was that other agents had committed acts
in the past which put Marlon in a position of vulnerability. A case
could seemingly be made that the factories should be held accountable
for the damage that would have been caused in the absence of the old
factories' contributions, but nothing more. However, this raises a
significant problem. This approach would force us to either place the
accountability for the damage to Marlon's property on the old
factories' operators, or to place the burden back on Marlon.
The
latter seems unacceptable. The "responsibility principle," suggested by
Talbot Page in his essay, "Responsibility, Liability, and Incentive
Compatibility," seem to me a reasonable starting point for arguing why.
Page writes, "When A's actions impose costs on B, A should be made
responsible by paying for these costs." As I interpret it, A does not
need to be a single individual for this principle to make sense. As
long as costs are being imposed on B, and as long as those costs are
caused by A's actions, then the costs should be paid by A. This is
clearest in cases like Marlon's, where B is not a member of A. The
group of people including both the old factory operators and the
current factory operators imposed costs on Marlon, and so they should
pay those costs. To be honest, I find that so obviously true that I'm
not even sure how to argue in favor of it.
Accordingly, the
accountability for remaining damage would need to be allocated to the
old factory operators. For the sake of discussion, we'll ignore for now
all questions regarding the burden of proof, imperfect knowledge, the
potential need to deal with preemptive compensation, and any difficulties
arising from intertemporal compensation. These are all important
issues, and I want to deal with them. But first, I think it's important
to ask whether it would actually be fair to hold the old factory
operators responsible for damage which resulted from the presence of
their (otherwise harmless) pollution in Tranquility Lake when the three
factories came along decades later to dump some chemicals there.
The
first thing to notice about this example is that it seems to be the
outgrowth of something like a tragedy of the commons. The damage to
Marlon's lawn is caused by a situation in which a commons has been
"fouled" to the extent where it is damaging property adjacent to it. So
perhaps if we figured out what the right way is to think about
tragedies of the commons, we could determine what to think about the Tranquility Lake
situation. Basically, the problem is this: the lake had some capacity
for absorbing pollution without causing any damage. Once this threshold
was breached, progressively more damage would be done to Marlon with
each additional amount of pollution. To steal a term from Tom
Athanasiou and Paul Baer's book, Dead Heat: Global Justice and Global Warming,
what the old factory operators did was "fill" some of the
"environmental space" which was available due to the lake's capacity
for absorbing pollution without causing damage.
As a result of
the environmental space having been filled by the old factory
operators, the currently operating factories' dumping did a lot more
damage than it otherwise would have been. In order to hold the old
factory operators responsible for part of this damage, it seems that we
would need to establish that they didn't have a right to fill the
environmental space in the way that they did. Otherwise, we would seem
to be led to the idea that they did nothing wrong, since they acted
perfectly within their rights, and (because of the responsibility
principle) we should hold the currently operating factories completely
responsible for the damage they caused.
So did the old factory
operators have a right to do what they did? Some libertarians, like
Murray Rothbard, think they did. In his essay, "Law, Property Rights,
and Air Pollution," Rothbard wrote, "...if a factory owned by A
polluted originally unused property up to a certain amount of pollutant
X, then A can be said to have homesteaded a pollution easement of a
certain degree and type." So essentially, what the old factory owners
did was to enclose a part of the commons (in this case the
"environmental space" that they filled) and made it their own. And it
does seem to me that this is what they have done. But does that mean
that their actions were acceptable?
As far as I am aware,
Rothbard believed so. The polluter "improves" previously unused
environmental space by directing it to the achievement of her ends, and
through mixing her labor with it, she acquires just title to it.
Because the polluter is using previously unowned environmental
space, no one can deny her the right to do as she did. But this is a
left-libertarian site, and Rothbard won't be getting away that easily.
Accordingly, I'll try to figure out what to think about Rothbard's
position as it applies to this situation, in order to determine whether
or not it gives us adequate guidance for approaching the old factory
operators' actions.
The questions about Rothbard's approach come from the heart of the left-libertarian paradigm. In Anarchy, State, and Utopia,
Nozick wrote, "It will be implausible to view improving an object as
giving full ownership of it, if the stock of unowned objects that might
be improved is limited. For an object's coming under one person's
ownership changes the situation of all others. Whereas previously they
were at liberty...to use the object, they now no longer are. This
change in the situation of others (by removing their liberty to act on
a previously unowned object) need not worsen their situation. If I
appropriate a grain of sand from Coney Island, no one else may now do as they will with that
grain of sand. But there are plenty of other grains of sand left for
them to do the same with. Or if not grains of sand, then other
things...The crucial point is whether is whether appropriation of an
unowned object worsens the situation of others." In the case of any
scarce resource, it seems fair to say that any appropriating act has
the potential to make others worse off. But more precisely, the crucial
point is whether the appropriating act makes others worse off in a way
that infringes upon their rights. Merely making someone worse
off does not violate their rights; I am made worse off when a girl at a
bar declines to kiss me. We must examine what people are entitled to in order to resolve the question of whether an act of appropriation is justified.
And as far as Rothbard is concerned, no one is made worse off in a morally relevant sense by the appropriation of an unowned
object. The path of the reasoning arriving at this view is easy enough
to spell out. In the case of an unowned object (such as the
environmental space in our example) no one has yet "mixed" any labor
with the object. Because Rothbard ostensibly believes that our claims
to property originate in our mixing our labor with unowned objects
(this is taken from Locke), it seems reasonable to say that no one has
any property rights involving objects that have not had any labor mixed
with them. But as Peter Vallentyne writes in his introduction to Left-Libertarianism and Its Critics: The Contemporary Debate, "Libertarianism (both left and right) construes basic individual rights as property
rights." So if no one has property rights in these unowned objects, and
property rights are the only kind of rights there are, then no one's
rights are violated by appropriation.
In my view, something
seems to be missing here. For example, let's say that in order to
survive, the individuals living around the lake needed to pollute it to
some degree. Let's further stipulate that if not for the old factory
operators, this level of pollution would never produce any damage.
According to Rothbard's approach, if Marlon's lawn ended up damaged by
the pollution in the lake, the people to be held accountable for the
damage are the people polluting the lake to survive. But it seems to me
that the people responsible are the old factory operators, who (we
might suppose) did not need to pollute the lake in order to survive.
This
idea is captured by Stephen Gardiner in his essay, "A Perfect Moral
Storm: Climate Change, Intergenerational Ethics and the Problem of
Moral Corruption," when he wrote, "One way in which a generation may
act badly is if it puts in place a set of future circumstances that
make it morally required for its successors (and perhaps even itself)
to make other generations suffer either unnecessary, or at least more
than would otherwise be the case." I think Gardiner oversteps his
intentions when he uses the term "morally required," but what he has in
mind is clear. If in the pursuit of some "sufficient" standard of
living, people needed to pollute the lake, then in some sense we would
feel sympathy for them, and consider their actions to be morally
permissible. If the old factory operators made it the case that these
actions would harm others, where they would not have ordinarily, then
the factory operators have done something wrong. It seems to me that
because Rothbard's account cannot capture this notion, there is
something wrong with it.
But what exactly is Rothbard’s principle missing? If we are to hold the old factory operators accountable, we need to know. This
is because there is an important disanalogy between a case where people
need to pollute the lake to survive and the case which we have been
working with, where the three currently operating factories did not need to pollute in any similar way. The reasons why we disagree with Rothbard will determine what we think about the old factory operators' actions.
We
have several options. The first is an extremely strict proviso: It is
illegitimate to appropriate any resource without leaving as much of
that resource (or a costlessly available substitute) as there was when
you got there. Under this criterion, by depleting the natural store of
environmental space embodied by Tranquility Lake, and not putting the
lake back into its former state afterwards, the old factory operators
acted wrongly. Accordingly, it might seem reasonable to put them on the
hook for the damage caused by the depleted state of the lake.
The
other end of the spectrum would be a very weak proviso: It is
illegitimate to appropriate any resource without leaving enough of that
resource to allow others to satisfy their basic needs. In this
instance, the old factory operators wouldn't be in the wrong at all.
The three currently-operating factories didn't need
to dump in lake, and so the old factory operators did nothing wrong by
using the resource. The accountability, then, would rest squarely on
the three factories which acted most recently.
In the middle,
there are a number of other provisos which warrant consideration. For
one: It is illegitimate to appropriate any resource without leaving
enough so that others had the opportunity attain the same level of
wellbeing (I dispute this elsewhere).
Or another: It is illegitimate to appropriate any resource without
leaving behind something of equal value as what you took (I don't like
this one either; I can't think of any coherent theory of value which
would make it work).
Personally, I think the most plausible of these accounts is the weak proviso. If my appropriation makes it so that others can't
satisfy their basic interests without harming others, then I think it's
fair to say that I should be accountable for the damage (assuming that
I didn't need to appropriate
what I did). But if my appropriation just makes it so that others have
to figure out some perfectly feasible alternative course of action in
order to avoid harming others, then I don't see why I should be
accountable if they choose the harmful alternative.
Accordingly,
it seems we can say that in Marlon's case, the accountability rests
solely on the three factories' operators, even though the damage caused
by their acts was amplified by the polluting activities of the old
factories. Because they didn't need to pollute in any morally relevant
sense, they should bear the burden of any costs imposed on others by
their actions. I think I'm happy with that, so I'll stop there.