Does the Fact that Individuals Discount Entail the Existence of a Social Discount Rate?

Published Friday, February 15, 2008 4:09 PM

[Cross-posted on the parent blog]

In my last post, I discussed the idea of discounting as it relates to cost-benefit analysis. I reached the conclusion that discounting treats future people's interests as if they were less significant than our own, and that if cost-benefit analysis aims to make people the best off, then this seems like a bad practice. I received a reply from a fellow with the handle of TokyoTom, which said the following:

Donny, I don't think that you've at all demonstrated that we don't discount - viz., that we try to make decisions on the basis that the preferences of people who do not exist today should weigh as much as our own.

I would disagree with that conclusion myself. Clearly individuals act on the basis of their own preferences, which preferences may take into consideration the supposed preferences of others, including future generations. These others simply don't have a vote on what my preferences are - and is the collective actions of billions of individuals alive today that similarly make decisions that bring about tomorrow.
Tom (at least I assume his name is Tom) is absolutely right to say that individuals clearly act as though value in the future is worth less than the equivalent value today. If I were trying to argue that people actually do make decisions as if future people matter just as much as they do, I would be easily refuted. In fact, I would be hard pressed to believe even that people behave as though future people matter very much at all, never mind as though their interests were equal to their own.

But I never argued that individuals don't discount (in fact, I specifically acknowledged that they do), or that individuals consider future individuals to be just as important as themselves. Rather, I argued that discounting future damage in cost-benefit analysis is unjust. What's the difference? I'll try to illustrate with a series of examples.

Let's say that we're trying to decide whether to put a garbage dump in a neighborhood populated exclusively by an ethnic minority (say, Hmong folks). We perform a cost-benefit analysis to see what we should do. In the first scenario, let's say the Hmong folks in the neighborhood would prefer not to have the garbage dump in their neighborhood, and the folks who live outside of the neighborhood would prefer to have it there (not because of any malice, but rather because they would gain use from it). If (once we equalize for different valuation of money and all that) the cost-benefit analysis shows that the outsiders would be willing to pay more to have the dump than the Hmong folks would to not have it, then we'd say that there's a net benefit to putting the dump in; it's worth doing. And as far as we ignore all the problems with cost-benefit analysis (that is, we don't care what we do to the Hmong people as long as it represents a net gain, and we're okay with treating a single metric as properly representing the wellbeing of these people), then that's all there is to it. The cost-benefit analysis has worked exactly as advertised.

But now let's say that the outsiders didn't want the garbage dump because they would benefit from it, but rather because they're evil hillbillies and they despise the Hmong people. The benefit to them is not a self-interested benefit, but rather a benefit derived from the cost to others. Perhaps if we give this kind of benefit equal standing, the garbage dump goes in. But that seems like the wrong conclusion. We might say the same if the garbage dump doesn't go in because the Hmong people don't want the outsiders to get any benefit, even though they wouldn't really mind the dump being there. That's why most people who advocate cost-benefit analysis try really hard to ensure that the costs and benefits they're measuring reflect only the costs and benefits to the individuals they're surveying.

Accordingly, we wouldn't want to say that the importance of future individuals' wellbeing can be accounted for in cost-benefit analysis by seeing how present people value their wellbeing. What matters is how much they value their wellbeing. Once we recognize this, then it becomes clear what we do when we discount their costs and benefits compared to current people's costs and benefits. What we do is to say that their costs and benefits are less significant than those of present people. And it is this practice which I claim to be unjust.

Comments

# TokyoTom said on Sunday, February 17, 2008 9:31 PM

Donny, you might take a peak at this:

JOHN BRÄTLAND, TOWARD A CALCULATIONAL THEORY AND POLICY OF INTERGENERATIONAL SUSTAINABILITY:

www.mises.org/.../qjae9_2_2.pdf

# Geoffrey Allan Plauche said on Wednesday, February 20, 2008 11:12 AM

This doesn't help.

Regarding the Hmong people, the outsiders and the garbage dump, I'm not sure you account for the fact that what each is willing to pay will be determined in part by how much they <i>can</i> pay and if one party has more money to spend you'll have an unfair imbalance. If you are taking this into account, it isn't clear to me how you're going to equalize them for comparison.

Along these lines, you should read Rothbard's Toward a Reconstruction of Utility and Welfare Economics" (in pdf on Mises.org) for why we can't intersubjectively measure value scales. This is the methodological objection I have to your utilitarian cost-benefit analysis.

I also have a moral objection that is two-fold. 1) I don't see where rights fit in in your cost-benefit analysis. Are they subject to this analysis too? If they are, then I must reject your approach. 2) Or are rights fundamental and absolute principles that the cost-benefit analysis has to take for granted and work within such that what the cost-benefit analysis suggests as the just thing to do is what we ought voluntarily (but can't be forced) to do? This approach is less objectionable but is still utilitarian and I think utilitarianism is wrong.

# Donny with an A said on Wednesday, February 20, 2008 5:25 PM

Again, perhaps I should have been more clear.  I don't advocate cost-benefit analysis, or think that it's the proper way to determine what policies should be undertaken.  Incidentally, in the post before this one, I critiqued cost-benefit analysis in general as it applies to climate change:

mises.com/.../cost-benefit-analysis-discounting-and-climate-change.aspx

But I didn't specifically address the fact that willingness to pay is a poor proxy for utility, which is another objection.  The reason I avoided this point is that it won't convince any advocate of cost-benefit analysis.  They'll simply reply that we can do our best to correct for differences in valuation of money and other technical problems, and that a cost-benefit analysis doesn't have to be perfect to be useful.  

But you're right in saying that cost-benefit analysis will never be able to precisely measure utility in a way that allows legitimate interpersonal aggregation.  I don't think anyone of any importance disagrees with that.  A counterpoint, though, is offered by Lionel Robbins in his famous essay, "Interpersonal Comparisons of Utility: A Comment."  You might be interested in taking a look at it.

# Geoffrey Allan Plauche said on Wednesday, February 20, 2008 8:41 PM

Well, now I'm not sure what the purpose of this post and the next is supposed to be. If you don't advocate cost-benefit analysis, what is all this for? It seemed to me you were trying to prove the injustice of discounting the interests of others by means of cost-benefit analysis, which I think is a mistake on many levels.

# Donny with an A said on Wednesday, February 20, 2008 11:55 PM

It's my view that understanding the views of your opponents is just as important as understanding your own views.  Objecting to cost-benefit analysis as a general tool might not succeed, even if the objections are good; cost-benefit analysis is the dominant form of economic calculus done in our society today.  Accordingly, I think it's useful to discuss exactly how these analyses are being done, and what potential problems could be faced by analysts.  

Basically, what I'm doing is like saying, "There are a whole lot of reasons that you shouldn't drive drunk.  But if you don't care, and you're going to drive drunk anyway, at least drive slowly and pay really close attention.  And keep in mind that even if you don't have a problem with driving drunk, you might simply be unable to do it properly, so maybe you should rethink your choice to try."  Obviously the first part is the most important.  But the later parts seem like they're worth thinking about too.

So while the first post captures my position on the issue, I think the later posts are almost more important.  It's almost like discussing American politics.  If I had my way, a whole lot of things would be different.  But that's not really relevant, because the actual political conversations being had presuppose an entirely different way of thinking.  And perhaps it's enough just to throw your hands up and say, "You guys are wrong!"  But at the same time, it doesn't seem completely unreasonable to work towards saying, "You guys are wrong, even on your own terms!"  Does that make sense?

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